This March 19, the "Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas" Human Rights Center celebrated its Tenth Anniversary, and I felt it necessary to write a bulletin regarding its purposes and the context in which it was created. In addition:

1. - This document can serve as a recognition and a gesture of appreciation to this center, for its work in the defense and promotion of human rights for the most unprotected.

2. - For their valuable support in the building of a culture of human rights, which the peoples in the communities have, little by little, been appropriating as useful instruments in the defense of their rights, and, not just theirs, but also for the rights of other brothers close to their communities.

3. - The need to recover historic memory, in the sense of locating the motivations and context in which it was created. For many people, Chiapas came into existence on January 1, 1994, with the emergence of the EZLN, but it is important to note some of the most important incidents, which already spoke to us of terror, of death, repression and misery in the indigenous communities. The CDHFBLC was created for this urgent need.

The Historical Context

It is worth recording that Chiapas has historically been governed by persons tied to the power structure based on land ownership residing in just a few hands, to be exact, with the 23 most powerful families.

The period from 1979 to 1982 was when the three most important organizations of that era made their appearance and laid their foundations: The Emiliano Zapata Campesino Organization (OCEZ), with a wide presence in the Venustiano Carranza zone, in the North in the Simojovel zone, and in the Border in the Comalapa zone. The other was the Independent Central of Agricultural Workers and Campesinos (CIOAC), a national organization that appeared in Chiapas in Las Margaritas zone and in the Northern zone of the state, where the OCEZ was also operating. The primary focus of these two organizations was the struggle for land. The third organization, the Union of Unions, present in the Selva Lacandona was primarily concerned with the division of the Selva Lacandona, for production and credits. In response to the lack of a resolution of the campesinos' demands, a massive wave of land takeovers occurred throughout the state during this era.

The governments of Jorge de la Vega Domínguez, Salomón González Blanco (father of former governor Patrocinio González Garrido) and Juan Sabines Gutiérrez never resolved the campesinos' demands, but rather enforced a "carrot and stick" policy. They gave tools to the campesinos even though they had no land on which to work, and they strengthened the National Campesino Organization (CNC) as a confrontation group, in order to dislocate the campesinos from the lands that had been taken over. The other policy for creating confrontations was the awarding of the same land to two or three different campesino groups, so that they would kill each other.

It is worth mentioning that it was during this period that the massacre at Wolonchan took place, in the municipality of Sitalá in May of 1980.

It was also during this period that the mass arrival of 45,000 Guatemalan refugees took place, a product of the land policies unleashed by the Guatemalan government. There was an increase in the emergence of armed groups in Central America, and, as a result of that, Chiapas was used as a passageway for undocumented persons from that region, heading towards the United States. The increase in drug trafficking in South American countries and in Chiapas led to the land also being used as a passageway for drugs towards the north of the country and on to the United States. These factors made Chiapas an important state in national security terms, and led to an increase in militarization. But 1982 was also the year that a military government came to power, with General Absalón Castellanos Domínguez (1982 - 1988). It was a period during which the cattle ranchers, their "white guards" and "gunmen" gained strength.

This government began to enforce harsh and repressive policies against the popular movement, since the groups in struggle had increased during that time. Some of these groups included: Section 7 of the National Coordination of Educational Workers; the Students of the Mactumactzá Rural Normal School; the urban developments of Tuxtla, Km-4 Las Granjas Union of Neighborhoods and La Reforma; the Unified Front of Unemployed Teachers of the State of Chiapas; the "Ricardo Flores Magón" Drivers' Union; the students of the University of Chiapas in the Faculties of Social Sciences, Humanities and Business Administration; campesino and indigenous organizations in the state. All these groups together made up the Coordination of the Struggle in Chiapas. These actors were the victims of the policies of the strong-armed general. It was a repression that left an infinity of deaths and incarcerations of the leaders of almost all the organizations. It is worth mentioning that it was during this period of government that the massacre of 9 comuneros from the House of the People of Venustiano Carranza took place, in Paraíso the Grijalva, in October of 1985. Other events that occurred during this time include: the assassination of the leader of the CIOAC, Andulio Galvez; the assassination of the education leader, Celso Wenceslao López Díaz; the jailing of the 7 leaders of the maize-growers movement; the violation confrontation between Public Security police and residents of Las Granjas Neighborhood in the Km-4 in Tuxtla, and the jailing of their principal leaders. In summary, we can say that General Absalón Castellanos and his General Secretary of Government, Roberto Coello Trejo, enforced a policy of mass repression.

In 1998, Patrocinio González Garrido took over the government, a man tied to the businesses of foreign investors in Chiapas, making his mission that of laying the foundation for the promotion of the "modernization" program, leading him to enforce a policy of selective repression. He devoted himself to creating openings for some campesino organizations, so that they would take over lands in particular places, in order to attack the traditional caciques, who were opposed to those plans and who represented an obstacle for the modernization program. At the same time, selective assassinations took place, such as that of the leader of the OCEZ, Arturo Albores; Sebastián Pérez Núnez, of the CIOAC, and the mass assassinations, such as those in Rincón Chamula, in Pueblo Nuevo Solistahuacán. There was an increase in mass expulsions of evangelicals in San Juan Chamula and in other municipalities in Los Altos of Chiapas. There were threats against, and the assassination of, journalist Alonso Rodríguez Gamboa, in Tapachula; threats of jail to the directors of the newspaper, "El Observador de la Frontera Sur," Francisco Ramírez and Candelaria Rodríguez, as well as against Juan Balboa, of the Ambar weekly, in addition to many other incidents.

It was during this period that the army began to disburse throughout the various regions of Chiapas, setting up barracks and outposts. At the same time, police forces in the state were being augmented, and they left their barracks, to remain in the streets and strategic places in the state.

Given the continuity of the repressive policies and the lack of a resolution of the campesinos' demands, the path left open was that of carrying out marches, rallies, sit-ins, the blocking of highways, takeovers of public offices, seizures of officials, etcetera. The response was mass and selective repression. The much ballyhooed investment programs in Chiapas never bore any positive results in the fight against poverty, on the contrary, they simply benefited the group in power. In this situation, the persecuted, those threatened with death, the families of the imprisoned and assassinated, the refugees, etc., always found in Bishop Samuel Ruiz a moral support and a companion in their sorrow. His was a voice that spoke for them to the press and to the authorities who refused to listen to the voices of the most unprotected. However, ecclesiastical activities and his commitments as a pastor, not just in Mexico but in Latin America and other parts of the world, did not allow him the time to attend to so many persons affected by the government's policies.

The Creation

In this context, and with the needs described, the "Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas" Human Rights Center was created on December 19, 1989. Present at its inauguration was the now deceased Bishop Emeritus of Cuernavaca, Morelos, Sergio Méndez Arceo. At that time, the following objectives were presented for this center:

a). - Promote and Carry Out the Investigation and Analysis of Human Rights.

b). - Compile Data On Cases and Situations in Violation of Human Rights.

c). - Develop Legal Defense.

d). - Publicize and Denounce Those Cases that So Merit It.

With the announcement to the public of the creation of the center, there was a distinct response from the authorities. The General Secretary of Government, Juan Lara Domínguez, stated: "when dealing with defending human rights, everything is valid and welcome, always and when the actions are carried out within the framework that governs our political and social lives."

In terms of actions, the response was the incarceration of the priest, Joel Padrón González, in September of 1991, and, on July 22, 1990, the expulsion from the country of the priest Marcelo Rotsaert, a Belgian. The latter functioned as parish priest in the municipality of Soyatitán, and was accused of inciting campesinos from the Cardenista Campesino Central to take over lands, and of advising the Guatemalan refugees "to unite with" the guerrillas of Guatemala. There were also continuous incursions by the Army, the XXX Military region of Tabasco into the Parish of Amatán, Chiapas, conducting searches and threatening to detain parish priest Felipe de Jesús Iñiguez, among many other responses.

Ever since the massive wave of land takeovers began, cattle ranchers, as well as the government, have always been accusing Bishop Samuel Ruiz, priests and catechists of "inciting" and "financing" campesino organizations in these takeovers.

In this way, the attacks against, and the campaign to discredit, the Diocese were increasing, something which has not stopped to this day. On the contrary, they have increased, and are manifested in different forms.

Some of the Most Significant Highlights of the CDHFBLC

One way or another, the center has been taking the voice of Bishop Samuel Ruiz and those whose human rights have been most affected. Little by little, space was being opened in the press and to the public, to such a degree that it became an important instrument for the indigenous communities, but also a target of attack on the part of government authorities.

Nonetheless, the CDHFBLC, through its history, has confronted difficult situations, where their presence has been required as an instrument of denunciation and for a search for a resolution of problems. Among those which can be mentioned:

The confrontation, expulsion and assassination of several indigenous in 1990 in Naranja Seca, municipality of Tenejapa, involving indigenous from the PRI and from the Campesino Teaching Solidarity (SOCAMA).

In 1991, they denounced and sought the release of the Parish Priest of Simojovel, Joel Padrón González. In that same year, there were threats to dislocate 72 indigenous communities in Los Altos of Chiapas, when - three days prior to Patrocinio González' government coming to power - they took over the highway at the San Cristóbal-Comitán-Ocosingo crossroads, leaving the army barracks at Rancho Nuevo incommunicado. The negotiation process and threats of repression were quite tense for those political times.

In 1992, there was the case of the 5 indigenous from Chenalhó, unfairly imprisoned for the ambush at Tzajalchen. What is significant is the support received from the CDHFBLC by the 22 Chenalhó communities that organized themselves and were fighting to demand the release of their compañeros. It is also important because it meant the coordination of more than 10 municipalities in Los Altos, in support of the Chenalhó communities. This event subsequently made possible the emergence of "Las Abejas" Civil Society.

In April of 1992, there was also the conflict in Simojovel, where organizations from the CNC, the OCEZ, Antorcha Campesina, the PRI and the CIOAC organized themselves in order to depose the municipal president. This led to the almost total takeover of the town, because it was left without light and water, businesses closed, no vehicles could enter the municipal seat, etcetera.

Among the most noteworthy cases, is the defense and denunciation the CDHFBLC had to make for the more than 35 indigenous from San Isidro El Ocotal in March of 1993, accused of having assassinated two soldiers from the Rancho Nuevo Barracks.

In May of the same year, they handled the defense and denunciation for the more than 35 indigenous detained as a consequence of the first confrontation between members of the EZLN and the federal Army in Sierra de Corralchén, in Ocosingo.

At that time, the Commander of the Rancho Nuevo Barracks accused Don Samuel of "defending criminals and assassins."

It was in July of 1992, however, when the Diocese received the greatest numbers of attacks and defamations. These merited a communiqué from Bishop Samuel Ruiz, denying the accusations, in which he stated: "our evangelical mission is not a political party action, nor do we aspire to power. It is the mission of the church that demands that we be on the side of justice and of the most poor." "The media, in a growing escalation, unrolled a campaign of slander against the Diocese and its Pastor, especially concerning the defense of Human Rights" (Diocese Press Bulletin, July of 1992). This same month, there was an increase in telephone death threats against the priest in Ocosingo and against the Bishop.

This same year, The Ocosingo Union for Citizens Defense, an organization of cattle ranchers' gunmen and "white guards," launched a series of threats against the priest Pablo Irribarren, holding him responsible for land takeovers in the region. This case warranted intervention by state justice authorities.

But the CDHFBLC also had to pay a price for its work during this period. Some have paid it directly. In other cases, as a dependent body of the Diocese of San Cristóbal, the political debts have been paid more by the Diocese than by the Center itself.

Among these was the detention of those who at that time were members of this center, Concepción Villafuerte and Lic. Javier Valdivieso, on March 16, 1990, in Ocosingo, by the Public Security police and a group of cattle ranchers in the region. This occurred while they were collecting evidence of police repression in the communities of El Carrizal and Chalama del Carmen.

Also, in April 1991, there was the detention of Flor María Pérez Robledo and Martín de la Cruz, in Paso Achiote, municipality of Chiapa de Corzo, while they were collecting evidence of police repression and of cattle ranchers against OCEZ campesinos.

The CDHFBLC Facing the Situation in 1994

With the emergence of the EZLN, the Army as well as government authorities accused the priest Pablo Romo (member of the CDHFBLC) and Bishop Samuel Ruiz of being responsible for the emergence of the EZLN, of financing it and of promoting it.

With the investigation and denunciation of acts of torture, repression and a series of human rights violations, by the army as well as by different police and paramilitary forces against the population, the CDHFBLC has been the victim of a series of slanders and defamations.

Given the state of war that exists in Chiapas, the work of the "Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas" Human Rights Center has had to adapt to the new situation, for which reason it has implemented and coordinated the Civil Peace Camps, the national and international Observation Missions and Caravans, with trips to those places where the case warrants it, in order to verify the levels of human rights violations.

Their organization and ties to organizations of national and international solidarity, as well as to human rights defense organizations, has given great coverage to the situation in Chiapas, opening the possibility of greater resources for the defense of the population with the greatest need.

Given that, within the Low Intensity Warfare being experienced in Chiapas - with the tactic of creating paramilitary groups as part of an official policy in order to counteract civil resistance and the struggle of the Indian peoples - the best arm has been the denunciation and the word given out to national and international public opinion.

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