MARGINALIZATION

According to official data, of the 111 municipalities in existence prior to July 15 of this year - when 7 more municipalities were created - 38 municipalities are considered to be Very High Marginalized (34% of the total municipalities), taking in 27% of the chiapaneco population in 1995. Three years later, however, in 1998, the interim governor confirmed aid to 42 Very Highly Marginalized municipalities in the state, which would indicate an increase in poverty between 1990 and 1998. Within this category, 80% of those municipalities are rural and indigenous, especially in Los Altos and the Selva regions.

The High Marginalization indicators correspond to 50.5% of the municipalities, with 37.1% of the chiapaneco population. In addition, 80% of those municipalities are rural. The indigenous, however, only make up of 12.5% of the population. This marginalization occurs most especially in the Border, Fraylesca, Sierra, Soconusco and Central regions, widening the specter of poverty beyond just indigenous areas. We can also verify that there is not one single municipality with a majority indigenous population that is not officially considered to be at least moderately marginalized.

Ninety-six percent of those municipalities with an indigenous population of between 75 - 100% are very highly marginalized. El Bosque is no longer in this category. There, in June of 1998, hundreds of troops, soldiers and police, under the pretext of doing away with the "San Juan de la Libertad" Autonomous Municipality, assassinated indigenous, caused destruction and reinforced their presence in the communities. This is why we believe that the police and military presence in the communities cannot be omitted in the measuring of municipal marginalization, since it has an impact on - and negative consequences for - health, production, land ownership, education, and so on.

HEALTH

Life expectancy and the median age of the population are the figures of greatest interest to Public Health. The official figures in this area are not credible. For 1992, Chiapas is defined as the state with the second lowest life expectancy in the country, at 67 years of age, surpassed only by Hidalgo, at 66.6 years of age. The Chiapas Department of Health has stated that the population in the state is, on the average, the lowest in the country: 55.48% of its residents are less than 20 years of age, and a bit less than 10% are over 45. It is thus difficult to believe that, in 1991, Chiapas had the same life expectancy as in the Federal District and Nuevo León in 1971, twenty years later. But this allows the government to assert that there is a 3.7 year difference in life expectancy in Chiapas, compared to the state of Nuevo León, where it is the highest.

Official figures on the birth rate are not very credible either, given that the indigenous population, for various reasons, did not register their births until a few years ago. Those who died within a year of birth were not registered as "live births" either. This gives too large a margin of error to use these figures as a source for measuring development and improved health conditions in Chiapas.

The Infant Mortality Rate is also manipulated by official figures that are impossible to believe. Only the municipalities of La Trinitaria and Ocosingo would have numbers equivalent to those of the "first world," comparable with Switzerland and Finland respectively. Official figures show Chiapas as having an Infant Mortality Rate of 16.4 in 1990, and 13.4 in 1993. Meanwhile, the World Health Organization (WHO) sets an infant mortality rate of less than 30 per 1000 live births as a sign of a good standard of living for a population. The Department of Health in Chiapas, in their 1995 report, tried to avoid the recommendations, stating: "Infant mortality, the same as the general one, has also experienced important changes in that period, seeing a decline of 75% in the figures from1970 to 1994, from 58.7 to 14.1 per thousand Registered Live Births." And so, the contradictions are exquisite. One national study carried out by the Department of Health and Welfare in 1995, on municipalities with an indigenous population of more than 40% (542 nationally, 37 in Chiapas, all of them highly and very highly marginalized), stated that mortality rates are higher as the proportion of indigenous population increases.

The profile of mortality in the indigenous population is typical of that of less developed societies, since the so-called illnesses of poverty predominate. The Department of Health and Welfare confirmed this in 1995. They also recognized that, according to information from the National System for Epidemiological Vigilance, the 10 primary causes of illnesses among the indigenous in 1991 were infectious in nature in more than 80% of the cases. Given the degree of the system's disintegration, there is no specific data on morbidity for the indigenous communities. They state, however, that the daily pathology in most parts of those areas is typical of poverty and of material deficiencies.

Because of that, in its 1993 Report, UNICEF classed Mexico in the fourth category - out of five - of those countries characterized by lacking an adequate strategy and effective programs to end malnutrition. The country shares this category with six others, the majority of which are African. In response to this devastating outlook, President Zedillo decided to implement the Education, Health and Food Program (PROGRESA), in order to "attack the root causes" of the problem of poverty. This program has served to support official party election campaigns, and it has seen its budget continuously and drastically reduced, by up to 230 million pesos. Many of these funds were diverted once again to aid the victims of the Chiapas floods in September of 1998.

Funds earmarked for health purposes are diverted in other ways as well. The Department of National Defense (SEDENA) had a total of 11,627 persons benefiting from health institutions in the 1990 reports (1 military person for every 267 inhabitants). The number of military personnel receiving benefits rose to 31,640 (1 military person for every 101.5 inhabitants) by December 31, 1994. After 1995, they stopped officially reporting these figures.

The UN suggests that there should be one physician and two nurses for direct care for every 1000 inhabitants. In this arena, Chiapas records the lowest numbers: 1 physician for every 17,857 inhabitants (as in Burundi) in municipalities with indigenous populations of grater than 40%. In those where the figure is higher than 70%, the numbers go to 1 for every 25,000 persons (as in Rwanda). For 1996, Chenalhó and La Trinitaria, for example, are comparable to the Congo; San Andres Larráinzar to India and Gabon; and Tila with Nigeria. And so, in 1995, officials confirmed that 40% of the population of Chiapas was not receiving medical care, and, over a 6 year period, social security had not increased by even 2 points, going from 14.3% in 1990, to 16.1% in 1996.

Article 12 of the International Pact of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PIDESC) refers to the Right to Health: "1. - The States Party to the present Pact recognize the rights of all persons to the enjoyment of the highest possible levels of physical and mental health; 2. - Among the measures that should be adopted by the States Party to the Pact - in order to ensure the full effectiveness of this right - are those which is necessary for: a). The reduction of infant and child death and the healthy development of children; b) The improvement of all aspects of workplace health and the environment; c) The prevention and treatment of epidemic and endemic illnesses (); d) The creation of conditions that ensure medical assistance and medical services in case of illness."

EDUCATION

UNESCO characterizes Mexico as one of the nine leaders in populations who do not know how to read or write, with 72% of the world's illiterate. The INEA (National Institute for Adult Education) says that the country's problem is not illiteracy, but educational disadvantage, since 35 million persons have not completed primary education. According to the INEA, investment in education increased over the last few years, from 4 to 6% of the GNP. The transfer of funds earmarked for primary education in the states, however, decreased from 15.7% in the first trimester of 1997, compared with the same time period in 1996. This was prior to the drastic national budget cuts precipitated by the economic crisis of 1998.

The education problem is worse in indigenous regions, where 5 out of every 10 adults do not know how to read or write, while the ratio is 2 illiterate persons for every 10 adults in mestizo communities. The situation is worse for women, generally speaking, than for men. Of those persons who have never received a formal education, 40.9% are men and 59.1% are women. From 1994 to 1997, 1.2 million Mexicans joined the ranks of the educationally disadvantaged. The Department of Public Education also suffered a budget cut of 1 billion, 211 million pesos, leading to the proposal for administering educational grants for children in extreme poverty.

Meanwhile, Chiapas is among those states containing half of the country's illiterate population, with 543,000 illiterate persons. It is also among those states where almost 50% of the adults have not completed primary education, with 717,000 persons in that circumstance. The state is also among those leading in failure and drop-out rates in primary education, in the number of unfinished schools and in the lowest scholastic averages. Because of this, thousands of teachers mobilized in 1998 and accused the federal and state governments of being directly responsible for the educational crisis, by drastically limiting the budget for the education branch and by neglecting the teachers with starvation wages.

The figures gathered by CIEPAC at the municipal level demonstrate some contradictions with the information available nationally. For example, if we look at education indicators, there is a 15% illiteracy rate among the population over the age of 15 throughout Chiapas (1985 figures). In those municipalities with a high percentage of indigenous persons, the figures are double the state-wide and city averages, always highly privileged areas. Among men, illiteracy is 19.2%, and among women it is 34.7%. These figures are double for the indigenous population, with 36.4% of the men, and 65% of the women, illiterate.

In Amatenango del Valle, the illiteracy rate is 53% (as in Togo), in Chenalhó it is 51%, in San Andrés Larráinzar 54% (as in Chad), in Ocosingo 47%, in Salto de Agua 44% and 43% in Tila (both as in Rwanda): illiteracy rates similar to those of Sub Saharan Africa. In Tuxtla Gutiérrez, the state capital, however, the rate drops to 9% (as in Hong Kong), and to 20% in San Cristóbal de Las Casas (as in Turkey).

Faced with this situation, it is revealing to see where the state government of Chiapas has earmarked their funds for school construction. Not where they should, that is, for those municipalities with the highest illiteracy rates, but, instead, for those areas that already have more advantages, the cities. For example, the number of schools for each 100 children in primary grades (potential population) for the following municipalities is: 0.23 in Amatenango del Valle, 0.74 in Chenalhó, 0.57 in San Andrés Larráinzar, 2.48 in the capital, Tuxtla Gutiérrez and 1.77 in San Cristóbal de Las Casas.

It is not surprising: where there are more schools, there is less illiteracy. The obvious question then becomes - why are there not more schools being built where they are most needed? - while recognizing that the entire illiteracy problem would not be solved through more schools alone. Nonetheless, on July 1, the interim governor proposed another of his famous consultation phantasms. This consultation - through the recently created State Council for the Comprehensive Development of Education in Chiapas - will gather chiapanecos' opinions and proposals concerning the broadening of educational coverage, eliminating the drop-out and failure rates and guaranteeing equality of education. It was through "consultations" such as this that the proposals were approved for granting amnesty to paramilitaries, for redistricting the state against the will of its residents and for imposing the Indigenous Rights and Culture Law, independent of the San Andrés Accords between the EZLN and the federal government.

According to the Human Development Report of 1999, Mexico is ranked 50th among 174 countries in the world in life expectancy and education.

Article 13 of the International Pact of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PIDESC) refers to the Right to Education: "1.- () education should be oriented towards the complete development of the human personality and his sense of dignity, and it should strengthen respect for human rights and fundamental liberties () it should train all persons (); 2. - () for the purpose of achieving the full exercise of this right: a) Secondary education, in its different forms, including technical and professional secondary education, should be widespread and made accessible to everyone (); c) Superior Education should equally be made accessible to everyone ()"

CONTEXT

The immorality of the economic program is obvious. Weeks after it was announced that the Bancrecer Bank financial rescue would cost 82.4 billion pesos (US$8.8 billion), Canadian consultant Michael Mackey, on July 19, completed the audit of the Mexican banking system, for which he charged 20 million dollars, in order, finally, to discover the most scandalous fraud in the contemporary history of our country. The consultant found irregularities in loans of 72.7 billion pesos(US$7.8 billion) in the Bank Fund for Savings Protection (FOBAPROA). He also stated that it would be less costly for the banks to go "bankrupt," than to inject capital in order to rescue them. The financial rescue reached 683 billion pesos (US$73 billion) in March of this year. As a result, the presidential proposal, with the PRI and PAN alliance, will force the Mexican people to pay for the bank frauds and for the monies received by the official party for their political campaigns.

During the last few days, zapatista support bases have been attacked by police and PRI's from the municipality of Frontera Comalapa for attempting to reclaim their water supply. The results were incarcerations, injuries and beatings in the community of El Portal, Tierra y Libertad Autonomous Municipality. Days later, on July 20, during the 7th Session of the Public Security Municipal Council in Frontera Comalapa, uniforms were delivered to the recently formed Rural Police. This could be the hideout for paramilitary groups who would now be acting "legally."

The UN Special Relator for Extrajudicial, Summary and Arbitrary Executions, Asma Jahangir, visited Chiapas from July 20 to 22. She met with interim governor, Roberto Albores Guillén, with the Cerro Hueco prisoners and with NGO's, among others. She confirmed the existence of extrajudicial executions and impunity, while the state government recognized the existence of armed groups, but not their backing for them. The interim governor explained the redistricting program to her, as well as the recent creation of 7 new municipalities in Chiapas, which now total 118. He also explained the Indigenous Rights and Culture program and the creation of 10 more jails in the state. He stated that: "We do not need to ride roughshod over anyone in order to bring justice to Chiapas." Perhaps the Relator was not informed of the illegality of these actions within the framework and procedures of the San Andres Accords.

The NGO's presented the following cases to the Relator: Acteal, El Bosque, Ocosingo, Altamirano, the assassination of José Tila in the Northern region, as well as six new cases including that of José Hidalgo Pérez in San Cristóbal de Las Casas. The EZLN sent a strong communiqué to the Relator, through the voice of Subcomandante Marcos, in which he criticized the moral caliber of the UN for the role it had played in the war against Yugoslavia, for the supposed request by the UNHCR to the Mexican government to attack the "Tierra y Libertad" municipality, and for delivering, at Kofi Annan's hands, the Vienna Civil Society United Nations Prize" to the so-called "Aztec Foundation." The latter is the television channel that went to La Realidad in 1998 and which supported the xenophobic campaign in Chiapas. The EZLN also criticized the role of the International Red Cross and recognized the role of foreign observers and national and international human rights organizations as being of higher moral caliber that the Relator's representation. He also recounted the extrajudicial assassinations the Mexican army has carried out against indigenous in Chiapas, specifying names, dates and places.

One day prior to the Relator's arrival, officials hurried to mete out sentences of 35 years in prison to 20 persons who had been detained for a year and a half, accused of participating in the massacre of 45 indigenous in Acteal, municipality of Chenalhó. These are added to the 10 policemen sentenced to 3 years and 9 months, and to a soldier who was sentenced to 2 years and fined 1086 pesos for having trained paramilitaries. Of the 103 persons detained up to this point, there are still 72 yet to be sentenced (among them the former Coordinator for the State Public Security Police, and the former Public Ministry official in Chenalhó). Ninety arrest warrants remain to be executed (including 11 for public officials and police force members). And, as if this were not enough, while the UN Relator was in Chiapas, President Ernesto Zedillo made a lightning visit to the state - for the 26th time - in order to visit the municipalities of Mapastepec - delivering supplies to victims - and Motozintla, La Trinitaria, Las Margaritas and Ocosingo.

While the legality of incorporating 5000 soldiers into the recently created Federal Preventive Police force was being discussed - as well as the announcement of the dispatch of 6000 military troops into the Selva to "plant little trees" - former PRI and member of the Cocopa (Commission of Concordance and Peace), Senator Pablo Salazar Mendiguchía, was achieving an unprecedented unity agreement among opposition parties. They agreed to run together with a single candidate for state governor in 2000 and to jointly topple the official party. Nationally, meanwhile, the 4 PRI candidates who are hoping to be elected by their party on November 7 as its presidential candidate, are profiting from the poverty generated in their campaigns' political speeches: about the poverty they want to fight if they are elected. Currently, the validity and impact of economic policies, neoliberalism and other aspects are being questioned, and emphasis is being put on the extreme poverty and agrarian backwardness in the country.

Note: Some of the figures mentioned here come from a research project, carried out by CIEPAC and supported by the Convergence of Civil Organizations for Democracy, under their Indicators of Economic, Social and Cultural Development project.

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