The month of August is a symbol for intolerance, provocation and the government fear of dialogue, of democracy and of the loss of power in the year 2000. Within the framework of the encuentros between the zapatistas and various sectors of civil society - in a pact against neoliberalism and the effects of globalization - the Army is deploying its forces, in order to penetrate further into the zapatista regions of Ocosingo, while the interim governor offers, through forced, militarized "development," to "not take one step backwards." And so, the current displacement of thousands of indigenous seems like just the beginning of another escalation, of the exile of children, women and old ones who could die from the bullets of hunger, misery, illnesses, military harassment and the cold in the mountains of the Mexican southeast. What is the current situation of those internally displaced by the war in Chiapas?

During the course of 1998, through the month of November, there were approximately 21,159 displaced in Chiapas, representing around 4063 indigenous families. They were located in 13 municipalities: Chenalhó, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Sabanilla, Tila, Salto de Agua, El Bosque, Las Margaritas, Ocosingo, Huitiupán, Venustiano Carranza, La Independencia, Chilón and Tumbalá. All of them came from those same municipalities, in addition to Palenque and Salto de Agua. More than 60 indigenous communities have been affected, through having had to uproot themselves. All of these municipalities are classified as Highly and Very Highly Marginalized, and they represent five (Los Altos, the North, the Center, the Border and the Selva) of the nine economic regions.

The municipalities where the displaced population are concentrated have approximately 634,240 residents. Of these, 62% are indigenous. 5.3% of this indigenous population is displaced, and they belong to the Tojolabal, Tzeltal, Chol and Tzotzil ethnic groups.

Within the phenomenon of displacement, there are municipalities that expel the population to other nearby municipalities, or even out of the state, such as neighboring Tabasco. On the other hand, there are municipalities that are the recipients of the displaced, such as Salto de Agua and San Cristóbal de Las Casas. Very few of the displaced move to the urban areas of the municipal seats, once again, such as Salto de Agua and San Cristóbal de Las Casas, but also Chilón and Venustiano Carranza. The majority of the displacements take place within the same rural areas, and in some cases the exile has been forever. This has not been the case in the rural areas, where, up until now, the struggle for land continues to be present in all the alternatives: return, voluntary relocation or the taking of new lands.

The displaced are in zones of political conflict, where there is the greatest concentration of alleged armed groups and paramilitaries, of the military (camps, barracks, checkpoints, military regions, centers of operation), of state and federal police forces (Public Security Police - PSP, State Judicial Police - PJE, Department of Justice of the Republic - PGR), and of the National Immigration Institute (INM). All of these municipalities also fall within the Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas.

Concerning the social and political identity of the displaced, 98% identify themselves as being opposed to the regime or to the official party, under seven different identities: the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD), "Las Abejas" civil society, EZLN support bases, the ARIC-Independent and the Emiliano Zapata Campesino Organization (OCEZ). Only 2% identify themselves as being in support of the regime, under the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the alleged paramilitary group, "Peace and Justice." Generally speaking, the displaced who are opposed to the regime are identified with the Catholic religion. And so, the identities of the displaced are generally marked by well-defined polarities: PRI vs. PRD, Catholics vs. Evangelicals, EZLN vs. paramilitaries, independent campesino and indigenous organizations vs. official campesino and indigenous organizations.

The largest number of the displaced are in the region of Los Altos, with 9902 indigenous, followed by the Northern region, with 5557, the Border, with 4905, the Center, with 405 and the Selva, with 290 persons. There are 10 camps or places of refuge in Chenalhó; in Sabanilla, 11; in Tila, Salto de Agua and San Cristóbal, one each; in Las Margaritas, Ocosingo, Huitiupán, Venustiano Carranza, Tumbalá and El Bosque, 2; and in Chilón and La Independencia, one respectively. These figures are approximate.

The greatest number of those displaced by violence are in the municipalities of Chenalhó, Tila, Sabanilla and Palenque. They left Chenalhó for San Cristóbal, from Tila for Sabanilla and Salto de Agua, from Sabanilla to Tila, and from Palenque to Salto de Agua. Approximately 1740 indigenous left their municipalities of origin, representing about 8.2% of all the displaced. Subsequently, there were also displacements from the municipalities of Tenejapa, Pantelhó, Sitalá and Salto de Agua.

There are approximately 44 camps or places where the displaced reside. Many of them have finally taken shelter in already established communities, after having passed one stage of refuge in camps, the mountains or outside the population centers. These camps are located in 13 of the current 111 municipalities, affecting 11.7% of the total [municipalities].

Beginning in August 1997, to September of 1998, the displaced from the Northern region sought other alternatives to refuge. Approximately 17 indigenous communities, from three municipalities, took refuge in more than 10 different communities. Out of the approximately 5557 displaced in the region, at least 3696, from the municipalities of Salto de Agua, Sabanilla and Tila, opted for four different paths: 1) the takeovers of fincas and the creation of new population centers, 2) exodus to the state of Campeche, 3) return to their communities, and 4) relocation with other displaced.

From December 1998 until April 1999, there were two returns of displaced in the municipalities of Tila and El Bosque, allowing us to identify, as of May of this year, approximately 21,063 indigenous persons displaced by war.

In the case of the Chenalhó displaced, families who had been displaced to the National Indigenous Institute (INI) facilities in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, decided, on February 8, 1999, to move their displacement to the community of Acteal, causing the overcrowding to become worse and leading to no improvements in the conditions for their return.

The displaced population has received aid from the following actors: 1) Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs); 2) Churches; 3) Multilateral Bodies; 4) National Solidarity; 5) International Solidarity; 6) Political Parties, and 7) the Mexican Red Cross.

We can classify the kinds of support into the following areas: land and production, education, water and sanitation, health, housing, legal and security aspects, culture and religion, mental health, clothing and community organization.

The support by outside actors to the displaced has had to fit into four kinds of programs: extended refuge, short or long term individual or mass return, relocation to other lands through purchase, agreements or takeovers of predios, definitive integration into their place of refuge. For each one of these four possibilities, the conditions for the program design have different characteristics. The line of support for the future should be primarily: production, community organization, housing and construction, legal aid (to the wives of prisoners and widows of those assassinated), environmental improvement and community health.

Among some of the conclusions we can draw concerning the causes of the phenomenon of displacement, are: cacique interests in the regions, and the imposition of political power groups tied to the official party; the Low Intensity Warfare strategy, aimed at wearing down the indigenous population, using military, paramilitary and police forces designed to reduce the democratic social forces; to undermine the resistance of the communities, the EZLN and their support bases; strong economic interests in the subsoil (mineral, hydrocarbon, and so on), in the exploitation of natural resources, in agro-export investment or in highway, hydroelectric, tourist infrastructure, etcetera.

The explanation from the government, from the official party, from some actors from different churches, as well as from some businesspersons, as to the origin of the displacement, involves: inter-community conflicts (for various reasons, families, etc.); inter-ethnic conflicts (between Chols and Tzeltals for example); partisan conflicts (between PRI-PT and PRD); conflicts over land ownership (community property against ejidales; predio, ejidal or communal possession against leasing or sales); religious conflicts (between Evangelicals and Catholics): conflicts between campesino organizations (official and independent, or those with the EZLN, etcetera).

The solution to the displacement-return problem is strongly tied to the process of dialogue and negotiation between the Federal Government and the EZLN (since some of the groups registered this problem as one of their primary demands), as well as to what tied to that: demilitarization, disarmament of paramilitary groups, a solution to the land conflict, release of prisoners, among others.

The solution to the displacement situation involves mid and long term time periods (from two to five years). Up to this point, there have been very few groups returned. Added to this, is the fact that economic, political and social conditions have continued to deteriorate.

It is imperative to demand the withdrawal of military and police camps close to the refugee camps, as well as the disarming of paramilitary groups and the carrying out of the San Andrés Accords in matters of indigenous rights and culture. The renewal of dialogue would hinder an escalation of violence and solve the causes that gave rise to the conflict and to the displacement of the population. The government of Mexico must also sign the Second Protocol of the Geneva Convention, in order to provide for the protection of the displaced and assistance from the International Red Cross.

Support for all those initiatives, direct or indirect, designed to solve the armed conflict, will be fundamental, since they contribute to the definitive solution of the displacement of the indigenous population.

Note: This Bulletin is an excerpt from the first chapter of the book, "The Displaced Population of Chiapas," by authors Gustavo Castro and Onécimo Hidalgo. The book is being sold and distributed by; "Rostros y Voces. Trato Justo," Merida No. 109 Local D. Esquina Alvaro Obregón, Colonia Roma, C.P. 06700 Mexico, D.F. Telephone: 5514-8453, Telephone/Fax: 5514-6539; Email: <sipro@laneta.apc.org> It is also for sale in bookstores in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas.

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