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Chiapas al Día, No. 120
CIEPAC
Chiapas, México
July 17, 1998

Agenda of the "War Strategy"

From the Acteal massacre (December 22, 1997) until the new massacre at El Bosque (June 10), the stage has been set by the Mexican Army with its military incursions, operations, psychological warfare, new positions set within speeches about enforcing disarmament, and the accelerated construction of military buildings and facilities.  However, in order to conceal this factor, interim Governor Roberto Albores carries the flag of the re-establishment of the "State of Law," with the shield of "legality" not legitimacy, and in order to accomplish this, President Ernesto Zedillo, Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, visited the state 5 times in two months between May and early July.

In general, the "war strategy" is accompanied by the following activities: 

1) increasingly belligerent speeches by Governor Albores and President Zedillo against everyone opposed to the regime; 2) police-military operations of great magnitude and disproportionate to the objective which justifies the action; 3) human rights violations; 4) more frequent visits by the President and the "Coordinator for Dialogue" in Chiapas, Emilio Rabasa, in order to evaluate the federal government's strategy; 5) "legal" justification of the actions in order to legitimize them, and 6) announcements and promises of more social spending within a social policy that is destitute, failed and of little impact, in order to conceal the ravages of poverty of the neo-liberal project.

The sectors which this strategy has intended to strike have been: 1) the primary interlocutor, the EZLN and their social and political support bases; 2) the Intermediation bodies - CONAI - which ended its existence and the Coadvisory -  COCOPA - which is fighting to survive; 3) the social, campesino, indigenous and urban organizations, resulting in deaths, impunity, arrest orders, jailings, etc.; 4) the church, especially the Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas, the Bishops Samuel Ruiz García and Raúl Vera López, the parish priests, pastoral agents, catechists, religious persons, etc.; 5) the Non-Governmental Organizations, with death threats, wiretapping, persecutions, surveillance, robberies, raids on homes and offices; 6) human rights defenders, especially the Human Rights Center "Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas;" 7) opposition political parties, especially the PRD and the local councils which they control; 8) international observers, caravans and camps, through expulsions, intimidations and restrictions on entering the country; 9) international solidarity, accusing them of interference and of being non-representative factions;  10)  some communications media and their reporters; 11) recognized international human rights observers and institutions, such as Pastors for Peace,  Americas Watch, Amnesty International, etc.; 12) civil indigenous communities, especially those victims of the armed conflict, such as those internally displaced by the war, and  13)   social leaders, even including Protestants created by the government, and now                 awkward for the regime.

Those who have benefited from, or been left intact by, the governmental strategy: 1) the official party, the PRI, and their local council members accused of corruption, as well as local and federal deputies accused of supposedly supporting paramilitaries;  2) the paramilitary groups which continue growing, and who have claimed their victims, deaths, displaced, quotas, illegal patrols, closure of churches and releases from prison; 3) former government officials of former Governor Julio César Ruiz Ferro, accused of involvement in the Acteal massacre, who are walking about freely; 4) those directly responsible for the Acteal massacre, and those who are imprisoned but whom they are now trying to free; 5) those police bodies guilty of human rights violations who are not imprisoned and others who were freed; 6) the Mexican Army, whom various national and even international bodies have accused of rape, outrages, deaths as in El Bosque, invasion of “ejido” lands, and countless other violations and outrages against human rights; 7) some communications media who prop up the disinformation strategy, and 8) the direct foreign investment which is receiving better conditions for investment.

The results this year of the war strategy can be quantified as: 1) increase in military troops (at least 5000 more, and which now varies from a total of 40,000 to 70,000, depending on the source), their camps in Chiapas (at least 30 additional) and military buildings; 2) increase in police forces (at least 5000) and their camps, as well as of their armaments and budget; 3) more militarized municipalities and municipal seats (at least 8 additional); 4) more prisoners (exceeding 100) and new penal centers (at least 2); 5) more injuries and ambushes; 6) more deaths; 7) more internally displaced by the conflict (at least 10,000); 8) more foreigners expelled (more than 100); 9) more evictions from lands; 10) more arrest warrants issued (more than 4000, other sources indicate more than 30,000); 11) more divided communities; 12) more police officers and paramilitaries released from Cerro Hueco (more than 30); 13) more paramilitary groups formed (at least 7 so far this year); 14) millions lost in agricultural and livestock production, less production of coffee, maize, petroleum, corn, cattle, etc.; 15) more schools having suspended classes in the conflict zone; 16) more budget deficits for the state government; 17) higher levels of corruption in the municipal governments, and 18) greater resources for government publicity in the media, especially radio and TV, for President Zedillo's visits to Chiapas, the Department of Government's web page on the Internet and the "graciousness" of the National Migration Institute and of the country to foreign visitors.

 CHRONOLOGY

 December 22, 1997:   Massacre of 45 persons in Acteal, Chenalhó.  The displacement of  thousands of indigenous intensifies.

December 27:   Installation of 20 military camps in the municipality of Chenalhó.

December 28:   Incursion of 20 military vehicles into the municipality of Tenejapa. December 31:   Patrols in at least 15 places in the municipality of Ocosingo.

January 1, 1998:   Military operation in Yaltchiptic, Ocosingo.

January 5:   Military incursion into Petmachtic, Altamirano, decommissioning of   purported EZLN arsenal.

January 6:   Installation of military camp in the municipal seat of Mitontic.

January 7:   Replacement of Governor Julio César Ruiz Ferro by Roberto Albores Guillén.  Simultaneous military incursions into at least 20 communities in Ocosingo.

January 8:   Four displaced children die in Polhó. January 9:   Military incursion, resulting in attacks on women and children, in the community 10 de Mayo in Altamirano.

January 11:  The CONAI announces a proposal, "For a Strategy of Peace with Democracy," which the government disregards.

January 12:  Assassination of a woman by police (during a march by campesinos of the COAO in Ocosingo).

January 13:  Assassination by machete of a campesino who was an EZLN support base in Huitiupán by White Guards.

January 22:  The CONAI and the COCOPA release a "Joint Statement:"  10 conditions for the resumption of dialogue and peace in Chiapas;  days later the federal government states that all the points have been met:  release of prisoners, mechanisms for reconciliation, fulfillment of the San Andrés Accords, dismantling of the paramilitaries, military détente, justice in the Acteal massacre, etc.

January 23:  Armed groups, twelve, are investigated, according to the Attorney General of the Republic.  Patrols in coffee plantations and fields by the Mexican Army in the municipality of Tila, campesinos charge.

January 24:  Release of 300 prisoners, none are Zapatistas.

January 25:  Death threat by telephone to Bishop Samuel Ruiz, according to the press. January 26:  Eviction of 134 campesino families from Puerto Arturo, municipality of Ocosingo, by the 13th Cavalry Regiment of the Mexican Army.  Arrest of 9 indigenous by the Army in the municipality of Sabanilla.

January 27:  New paramilitary group, Los Chentes, is announced in the press, which presumably operates in the municipality of Comitán, among others.  Military incursion into the municipality of Cancuc, robbing of stores, patrols.

January 28:  Death threats, the organization las Abejas of Chenalhó denounces 80 armed PRI members in Canolal.  Rubicel Ruiz Gamboa, AEDPCH leader, shot to death.

January 29:  Marco Antonio Gómez Flores, leader of the ARIC Independent and Democratic (ARIC-ID), who prevented Governor Albores from visiting the body of Rubicel Ruiz Gamboa, dies in a supposed car accident while traveling to Tuxtla Gutiérrez,.

January 30:  The registration of the Zapatista Political Alliance (PAZ), made up of displaced Chamula indigenous, and which could have counteracted the PRI in San Cristóbal de las Casas, is denied registration as a political party.

February 3:  Military incursions in the municipalities of Chanal, Palenque, Las Margaritas and San Andrés.

February 10: María Bullet, US citizen, member of the Civil Camp for Peace in Chiapas, is expelled.

February 11: Reduction in Municipal Social structure funds for opposition municipal governments.

February 12: Rumor of a new paramilitary group called "Rubén Jaramillo, supposedly with sophisticated arms;  campesino organizations deny it. 

February 13: Paramilitaries harass Acteal displaced, with weapons and threats.  Zedillo's speech:  "We are not convinced that the EZLN wants peace;  I will take other actions in Chiapas, they will not be violent."  Xenophobic campaign by TV program "Let's Talk Frankly," hosted by Lolita de la Vega of Aztec TV;  she descends into La Realidad by helicopter.

February 17: Robert Schweitter, French, Civil Peace Camp, expelled.

February 19: Thomas Hansen, American, expelled for purported interference in domestic politics in the country, for having participated in the Intergalactic Meeting in Chiapas and as an observer at the San Andrés dialogues.

February 25: José Tila López assassinated, in the municipality of Tila, presumably by Peace and Justice during an ambush, one day after having

testified at the International Caravan for Human Rights Observation.

February 26: Miguel Chanteau expelled, French, parish priest in Chenalhó for more than 32 years.

February 27: March by Chenalhó PRI members in celebration of the priest's expulsion;  they announce that they will not accept another priest from the San Cristóbal Diocese;  installation of a new military camp in San Jerónimo Tulijá, municipality of Chilón (200 Mexican Army personnel installed in the school). Defamation by the government, accusing the Diocese of having 60 foreign priests;  the Diocese confirms that they only have three.  Military operation in the Regional center of Ecodesarrollo, municipality of El Bosque.  Harassment by paramilitary group Peace and Justice increases in the northern zone.

February 28: The State Reconciliation Accord is announced by Governor Roberto Albores Guillén, claiming to have 1,800,000 signatures in support,  The accord basically contains:  no more Autonomous Municipalities, the prohibition of illegal patrols, the collecting of tolls and take-overs of public facilities;  the establishment of 6 Justices of the Peace in indigenous municipalities; converting the displaced into Polos de Desarrollo; the Re-districting and the "carrying out" of the San Andrés Accords.  Ambush by paramilitary groups in Simojovel of members of the campesino organization CIOAC, resulting in gunshot wounds to 4 campesinos.

March 1: Unilateral initiative of Rights and Culture Law sent to the federal Congress, announced by Ernesto Zedillo and backed by Governor of Chiapas Roberto Albores.

March 2: Installation of military camp in Taniperla, Ocosingo, thwarted by residents' protest.

March 4: Training by Pentagon of 150 Mexican elite officers, the press informs.

March 5: March in Tenejapa repudiating army's attempt to install a camp.

March 6: More police support: the governor of the state sends Security Police to 66 Municipal Councils, it delivers them 145 vehicles at a cost of 45,460,000 pesos.  The hiring of 45,000 Public Security police and a 500-woman anti-riot force is announced.

March 11: Expulsion of one French person, one American, one Swiss and one German, who were at the Civil Peace Camp in San Jerónimo Tulijá when the army installed their camp.

March 13:   Military intimidation in the municipalities of Las Margaritas, Ocosingo, San Andrés, Palenque. Altamirano:  overflights, detentions, patrols, an attack on a young man in Santo Tomas accused of being a Zapatista.

March 15:   Zedillo presents his unilateral initiative on Indigenous Rights and Culture to     Congress.  Purchases of military equipment from the US rise 600%, the press informs.  Labastida:  force will not be used in Chiapas.

March 19:   Accusation: Emilio Rabasa: the CONAI strays from its mediatory function.

March 20: Accusation: Labastida: the CONAI has not mediated much in the dialogue.

March 25:   Military incursions into the municipalities of Frontera Comalapa, Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, Tila, Siltepec, La Independencia.

April 1: The Department of Government will evaluate the CONAI’s fate.  Arrest and interrogation of 2 foreign religious workers in the parish of San Sebastián, Comitán, members of the Diocese of San Cristóbal, by Migration.  PRI evangelicals burn down 2 churches in the community of Nuevo Leon, in Teopisca.  Installation of a military camp in Cancuc.

April 2: Romualdo León Aguilar assassinated, in the municipality of Venustiano Carranza, by presumed paramilitary groups; he was an “ejido” commissioner and member of the OCEZ Casa del Pueblo.  March by ARIC-Official in Ocosingo in support of Albores Guillén's  State Reconciliation Agreement and against the presence of foreigners in the zone.  Accusation of the CONAI by the Department of Government:  release of a document which "proves their bias."

April 8:   Police-military-migration operation with 1500 officers in the neighborhood La Hormiga de San Cristóbal (Army, Public Security, Judicial Police and Migration).  Incarceration of 12 indigenous leaders of the organizations CRIACH, OPEACH and SCOPNUR.

April 11: Police-military-migration operation and Dismantling in Taniperla, Autonomous Municipality "Ricardo Flores Magón;"  9 persons arrested (7 indigenous and 2 in solidarity) and expulsion of 12 foreigners.

April 14: Police-military-migration operation; 800 officers remove EZLN support bases in Nueva Esperanza and 10 de Abril, municipality of Altamirano. Expulsion of 3 Norwegians, 2 indigenous beaten and one minor incarcerated.  Protest by the Norwegian Embassy in Mexico.

April 15: Military incursion thwarted in the community of Moisés Gandhi, Autonomous Municipality Che Guevara; a civil cordon of EZLN support bases prevents them from entering.

April 16: Speech by President Zedillo:  in Santiago, Chile, states that the limit of the negotiation with the EZLN is the territorial integrity of Mexico, and due to the stalemate of the talks with the Zapatistas and the "propaganda war, I am not going to sign a blank sheet of paper, but neither am I going to massacre(…) In the short-run we are all subjected to this slanderous campaign, to the Internet war which the figure of Señor Rafael Sebastián (Guillén), better known as Marcos has aroused in the intellectuals in Europe and North America, but I obviously can't make decisions based on that kind of propaganda (…) the EZLN has not demonstrated real conviction for, nor the will to resolve, the conflict politically."  The EZLN is counting on two things: "that under international pressure and the propaganda war, the government will say:  I'm willing to sign anything, but stop bothering me, but that cannot be done responsibly, because they are asking for things which are unacceptable(…)I'm not going to do anything which attacks our integrity…"  At this same occasion, Zedillo stated that the primary paramilitary group in Chiapas is the EZLN (La Jornada 4/18/98).

PRI members and ranchers march against Don Samuel Ruiz, foreigners and the Autonomous Municipalities.  Their attack is thwarted when they mistake a Mexican for a foreigner.

April 18: The opposition party, the PRD, launches their "Agreement for Governability and   Dialogue for Peace and Political Stability in the Republic," which the government disregards.

April 20: Death of a paramilitary as a result of a confrontation in the Nueva Revolución ranch, municipality of Tila, between EZLN support bases and Peace and Justice;  robbery of the townspeople’s belongings and the rape of three indigenous women were the results of a military incursion into Tzaquivilijó, municipality of Tenejapa.  Police incursion into the community El Ámbar, municipality of Jijotol, governed by PRD members, claiming the existence of a training camp for an armed group.  Highway patrols with soldiers and INM {National Migration Institute} units are reinforced due to a "maximum alert" by the "38 autonomous municipalities."

April 21: Expulsion of German, Zoren Najel.  The Coalition of Autonomous Organizations of Ocosingo (COAO) launches the proposal "For Détente and a Dignified Peace in Chiapas," which the government disregards.

April 22: The former Commissioner for the Peace, Manuel Camacho Solís, launches the proposal of "Chiapas:  Plan for Peace," which the government disregards.  Intervention by the Army against the Autonomous Municipalities is the consequence of a meeting among PRI members from 52 communities in Ocosingo.

April 24: Arrest of 6 Zapatista support bases, by PRI members in Los Plátanos, municipality of El Bosque.  Police-military incursion in Yuquín, Simojovel, for the purpose of installing a camp, the indigenous manage to make them retreat.  Expulsion of 4 foreigners:  an American, two Spanish and one French citizen, accused of participating in the formation of Autonomous Municipality Ricardo Flores Magón.  Arrest in Yajalón of members of EZLN support bases accused of assassinating a member of Peace and Justice on April 19 in the finca Morelia.  The Creators, Academics and Intellectuals (CAI) launch the "Proposal of Guadalupe," which the government disregards.

April 25: New organization United Citizens for San Cristóbal, A.C. of the Authentic Coletos (group in power in San Cristóbal):  they will not allow any more marches and they propose "the re-establishment of the state of law in San Cristóbal" and seek development for the city.

April 27: Zapatistas are accused of ambushing PRI members in the community Los Plátanos, municipality of El Bosque, resulting in one death.  Ambush of Public Security and Public Ministry Police when they are going to arrest the purportedly guilty Zapatistas: 3 policemen wounded and 110 Zapatistas, children and women displaced to the mountain.  Shoot-out in the house where the wake was held for the PRI body, resulting in one person dead and two wounded.  The Zapatistas claim internal conflicts and problems with drug trafficking in the area.

April 28: First Presidential visit to Chiapas, in San Cristóbal:  "the government of the Republic does not believe in exclusion nor in marginalization, and neither is it counting on eroding anyone's social bases (…) the resolution of a conflict always requires agreement between the parties, the willingness and disposition of one alone is never enough (…) the others don't believe what the government says and the government also has reasons for distrust (…) It is truly touching that 1,800,000 chiapanecos have endorsed the accord (State Accord for Reconciliation in Chiapas), and the entire world must listen to this voice."  He signed Social Development Agreement 1998 for Chiapas and announced:  "considerable resources" for development.  In Ocosingo he stated that: violence is not the path, but rather work and the joining of forces.  "I wish you well and solidarity, encouragement, hope and confidence.  I know how hard it has been for you to suffer the conflicts and divisions for questions of politics, religion and ethnicity, I know this is very painful for all Mexicans."  (Expreso,  4/29/98)

April 28: New regulations for foreign observers are announced by the Department of Government: processing 30 days prior to arrival, detailed plan, round-trip tickets, name of spokesperson, no more than 10 persons, organizations in existence for 10 years or recognized by the UN.  Denunciation that 13 former officials had not had to testify concerning their presumed involvement in the Acteal massacre.  New paramilitary group "Civil Front" from the municipality of La Independencia the local press announces, with participation of 19 communities against the Autonomous Municipality "Tierra y Libertad."  Investigation and accusations by the Department of Government of the Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas for supposed granting of "visas" to international observers.

April 29: In Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Zedillo signs as a committed party to the State Reconciliation Agreement.  Referring to the governor, he declares "…who has confronted during the few short weeks in his position many difficult moments of reckoning, and with great tolerance and patience (…) [Albores] has enforced the state of law with tremendous intelligence (…) that their hands not be bloodied still, with the blood of our indigenous brothers and sisters )… "There are those who want the Mexican government to bloody their hands with indigenous blood.  Those who want this think that if that happens, then their political cause will grow and it will make them more important and it will be valuable for their own aims (…) to those who are trying to make themselves into national and international figures (…) to think more about all the deaths and to think less of their personal needs…" (Expreso,  4-30-98)

May 1: Police-military-migration operation to dismantle the Autonomous Municipality "Tierra y Libertad," in Amparo Aguatinta, municipality of Las Margaritas;  with more than 1000 forces resulting in:  63 arrested, 3 wounded, 3 women raped and 140 displaced.

May 4: Shoot-out between ranchers over boundaries of land in Enjambre, municipality of Villacorzo, the brothers Elpidio and Aarón Grajales are killed.

May 7: Change the legal framework for dialogue, says Emilio Rabasa, Coordinator of Dialogue.

May 9: Leader of campesino organization CIOAC in the municipality of Soyaló threatened with prison.

May 10: Accusation of embezzlement against opposition (PRD) mayor in the municipality of Ixtapa.  Expulsion of 57 Italians who entered Taniperla, Ocosingo.

May 11: Dispossession of campesinos of the Campesino Organization Emiliano Zapata (OCEZ) of a predio in the municipality Venustiano Carranza, by the State Public Security Police and the presumed paramilitary group "Alliance San Bartolomé de los Llanos."  Dolores de la Vega, of TV Aztec, presents, on her program "Let's Talk Frankly," the interview with expelled Spanish citizen, Olga Claveria, manipulating information against foreign observers.  During this month there is an increase of government propaganda on TV concerning the visits of President Zedillo through TV spots and central messages.  Expulsion of 40 Italians; officials announce that 80 more cannot enter the country for 10 years.

May 14: Leader of PRD and Independent Campesino Organization of Villacorzo, Rodolfo Ruiz, by presumed gunmen in the pay of local caciques.

May 15: Government propaganda averring that 500 Zapatistas in the municipality of Las Margaritas have deserted and backed the Governor, later denied by the EZLN.

May 16: A builder beaten to death by presumed paramilitary group "Los Tomates," in the municipality of Bochil.

May 19: Second Presidential Visit to Chiapas: Zedillo signs the settlement agreement in Chiapas, "I am not going to massacre the Zapatistas;" in the municipality of Chanal, he states:  "We trust in the policy of our capacity for dialogue and in reaching accords.  Dialogue requires at least the willingness and the will of two; once again, the government of the Republic is always willing."  The years that have passed since the conflict broke out have proven that the solution "cannot be found in an alliance with those who seek to capitalize politically on the problem, nor with those who, having been present for the creation, now wish to appear above it."  (La Jornada, 5/20/98).  In Tapachula, Zedillo inaugurated a processing factory of Herdez, where he stated: "…We want those who we are missing to come now, we are waiting for them."  (La Jornada,  5/20/98)

May 20: Expulsion of two more Italians.  Fraud hidden in audits of more than 50 municipalities, vast amounts of fraud suspected in these administrations.

May 22: Constancio Pérez Pérez assassinated, in a confrontation between campesinos in the communities of Llano Grande and San Juanito, municipality of Copainalá, because of a water dispute.  

May 25: Police-military operation with one thousand forces in the municipality of Tenejapa.  In the community of Navil, they are said to have discovered and destroyed an EZLN training camp;  resulting in one artisan center destroyed, 150 vehicles seized and 30 persons arrested, among them former PRI Mayor, Sebastián Sántiz Luna, whom they found with five 22-caliber rifles and more than a thousand similar caliber cartridges, and who presumable commanded a paramilitary group. 

May 26: Military member Mariano Pérez Ruiz sentenced to prison for training the paramilitaries responsible for the massacre at Acteal, municipality of Chenalhó.

May 27: Accusation by the Coordinator for Dialogue, Emilio Rabasa, that the EZLN is preparing for war because of the supposed guerrilla training camp found in Navil, municipality of Tenejapa.

May 28: Governor Albores Guillén announces 33 new municipalities in order to counter the strength of the EZLN's Autonomous Municipalities.

May 29: Third Presidential Visit.  In Tuxtla Gutiérrez, he states; "…the theologians of violence who correct (…) let them abandon their political projects and join with the reconciliation project, the rediscovery of peace and social justice.  No theology can be good and support violence.  There are persons who shield themselves in their hierarchy and defend humanistic and religious  motivations, who for many years have contributed to the conditions of confrontation and division in the State of Chiapas (…) "Those who have or think they have a good mission to complete on Earth, should carry it out in compliance with the Law, with goodness (…) the government of the Republic does not use either the language nor the threat of war, because by definition there cannot be war between Mexicans, and because of that our conviction is to keep all doors and all roads open for dialogue."  (Expreso,  May 30, 1998)

May 29: In Sabanilla, Zedillo states that "…the government of the Republic does not believe in violence, nor we will we allow deviations from the State of Law, because that is what the Law says and that is something we have to guarantee for all Mexicans."  (Expreso Chiapas,  May 30, 1998)

June 1: Training of paramilitaries for 600 to 700 pesos per soldier by police who prepare the Acteal assassins, offered by members of the official party, according to a military prisoner.  Deacon of the Catholic church in the community of Navil is arrested, accused of being involved with the priest in the "blessing of the weapons" in that community.

June 2: Dismantling of the municipality of Nicolás Ruiz is announced by the Governor, accusing them of "primitive" indigenous uses and customs;  accuses the EZLN of keeping the state hostage.  Dismantling of the Autonomous Municipality "17 de Noviembre," according to government propaganda with the supposed desertion of the Zapatistas;  the EZLN denies the actions.

June 3: Police-military operation with more than 1000 men in the municipality of Nicolás Ruiz, governed by the opposition.  Resulting in tear gas poisoning which is launched from police helicopters, 167 arrested, of which 16 remain imprisoned.  Displacement of more than 45 Zapatista families from the community Bademia in the municipality of La Independencia due to the threat of repression by the municipal PRI president.  Displacement of another 35 families from Navil, Tenejapa, who flee to the mountain because of an onslaught from PRI members who threaten to assassinate them, accusing them of being Zapatistas.  Accusing him of murder, they ask for the removal of the opposition (PRD) municipal president.

June 4: Nicolás López Jiménez is assassinated, member of the paramilitary group Peace and Justice, in the municipality of Tila, in an ambush carried out by masked persons,  Peace and Justice holds members of the organization Abuxú responsible.

June 6: PRI members in the community of Yajalón ask for the installation of a police camp;  the state government announces the granting to the municipality of two equipped patrols and watchtowers.  Campesino assassinated by presumed paramilitary group Peace and Justice.  Trustee and campesino leader of the CIOAC of the municipality of Soyaló is incarcerated.  State government accuses the PRD municipal president of Jitotol of being subversive.

June 7: The CONAI disappears, Don Samuel Ruiz denounces the "strategy of war," the attacks against him and the Diocese.  An indigenous from the organization "Tres Nudos" is assassinated in the municipality of Oxchuc, and paramilitary group MIRA is held responsible.

June 8: Paramilitary group MIRA is accused in the press of being responsible for assassinations, and as being commanded by federal and local PRI deputies, Norberto Sántiz and Alonso López, respectively.  Two days later, MIRA is accused of recruiting indigenous through the police in the municipality of Oxchuc, of the assassination of 9 indigenous opposed to the PRI in the last 10 months and of having received 750 pesos per month with the support of the state government.

June 9:  Roberto Pérez Núñez assassinated, in an ambush of PRI militants in the community Los Plátanos, municipality of El Bosque, leaving 5 with gunshot wounds.  PRI members ambushed in the community El Palmar, leaving 3 wounded.  Police operation in a primary school in San Cristóbal, in order to "rescue" someone "detained" by his own compañeros "for not paying a debt."

June 10:  Police-military-migration operation with 1200 forces in order to dismantle the Autonomous Municipality San Juan de la Libertad, previously El Bosque.  They simultaneously go in to the communities of Chavajeval and Union Progreso.  The results:   10 dead (8 Zapatistas and 2 public security police) and 10 wounded (5 on each side), around 800 displaced, belongings robbed and looted, churches and chapels profaned;  animals dead, eaten, stolen, etc.

June 12:  Fourth Presidential Visit.  In Las Margaritas, Zedillo states:  "We want dialogue, we do not want to defeat anyone.  A direct dialogue that would be the basis for leaving anger behind and moving towards a dignified life in the Law, in plurality, in tranquillity and in democracy (..) avoiding at all cost that the most radical start imposing themselves.  The Mexicans should stop the violence before others become insensitive, and, even, cynical, faced with the sad repetition of violence.  We will never allow violence to be imposed by the force of custom."  In regards to the events at El Bosque, he said "…It makes we Mexicans and chiapanecos very sad, and I declare as President and as a Mexican and I trust in all the corners of Chiapas and of the country there be space and willingness for reflection, for a thought about that sadness that unites us all today here (…) The best  protection against violence is enforcing the law,"  (Bulletin of the Social Communication Directorate of the President of the Republic's Office,  No. 932,  June 12, 1998). Zedillo signed the Agreement of Coordination for Political Stability, Community Reconciliation Social Development and Economic Growth, "announcing" "many resources" for development.  He opened highways, met campesinos from different communities, among them the organization "Otilio Montaño," and signed the Agreement for Economic Development in the Sierra."  In San Cristóbal the "authentic coletos" announced on the radio the "People for Peace Foundation." 

June 12: Murder and rape of a woman by presumed paramilitary group "Los Tomates" in the municipality of Bochil, and one person is arrested with a previous history of violence.

June 13: Eight decomposed bodies are delivered by the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) to the community of Union Progreso, municipality of El Bosque.  The community delivers a kind of "political justice" against the Fourth representative for the inhuman manner in which the corpses were delivered.  Release of 10 paramilitaries from Los Chinchulines.  Release of Manuel Toporek, who tried to murder Bishop Samuel Ruiz García’s sister with a hammer.  The secretary of Government, Francisco Labastida, states that "what we can under no circumstances permit is that Mexicans be assaulted or killed (…) the life of every Mexican is valuable."  New paramilitary group called "Los Plátanos" in the municipality of El Bosque is noted in the press as being presumed to be made up of 80 young people from the official party (PRI), with high powered weapons and training from the police.  New paramilitary group called "Los Quintos" is detected in the municipality of Venustiano Carranza. Made up of 70 heavily armed men, in uniforms, boots, hoods and equipped with radios, intimidating by the firing of weapons.

June 15: Take-over of the municipal presidency of Mitontic by PRI members, and they remove the mayor, accused of mismanagement of funds;  the state government does not intervene "to re-establish the State of Law." 

June 16: The Commission of Concordance and Peace (COCOPA) arrives to deliver an "urgent" and "confidential" letter to the General Command of the EZLN in la Realidad, in order to renew "direct dialogue;"  they visit the municipality of El Bosque;  they meet with Bishop Samuel Ruiz and Gonzalo Ituarte of the Diocese of San Cristóbal, to the federal government's displeasure;  they meet with the Governor of Chiapas, Roberto Albores, asking that the police operations against the indigenous communities be stopped.  The Coordinator for Dialogue in Chiapas, Emilio Rabasa, says that the police-military operations against the Autonomous Municipalities will stop.  Release of 21 policemen who participated in the assassination of a woman in Ocosingo on June 12 during a campesino march.

June 17: Attempt at sexual rape, consequent removal of the public security police commander in the community of Nueva Palestina, municipality of Ocosingo.

June 18: Release of 21 police who participated in the death of the indigenous woman in Ocosingo during a campesino march.

June 19: Speech by Governor Albores:  "what we are doing is rebuilding the social fabric with work and a new language…"

June 20: Visit to Chiapas by Coordinator of Dialogue, Emilio Rabasa, for the purpose of evaluating government strategy.  Detention of officials of the Attorney General and State Government offices for 19 hours, by the residents of La Trinitaria, claiming that the domestic worker, Irma Jiménez died by asphyxiation, when signs indicated that she had been hung.  They called for an investigation clarifying the events, and an indemnification of 50,000 pesos (to the families of those massacred at Acteal they offered 35,000).

June 21: PRI member Mateo Sánchez Peñate shot to death in the municipality of Tumbalá; his family accuses PRD activists.  Removal of campesinos from a piece of land in the municipality of Berriozábal, 15 persons arrested.

June 22: The expiration of the time period recommended by the CNDH to the state government for releasing the prisoners arrested in Taniperla for the violation of their human and constitutional rights;  the government does not accept the recommendation.

June 23: The Coordinator for Dialogue rejects the possibility of the return of Bishop Samuel Ruiz to mediation.

June 25: Paramilitary harassment prevents the return of Las Abejas to Yibeljoj and Los Chorros, municipality of Chenalhó, who also denounce that Bishop Samuel Ruiz was going to be kidnapped by paramilitaries in exchange for the release of the 96 prisoners guilty of the Acteal massacre who are in the Cerro Hueco jail.  Police removal from Nuevo Paraíso, Venustiano Carranza, which was occupied by OCEZ-House of the People activists.  Resulting in 27 houses burned down and 6 disappearances, among them 3 women.

June 26: Courses given by the US Army in Mexico, according to the press.

June 27: PRI authorities ask for the installation of a police camp in the municipality of Salto de Agua.

June 28: Imposition by PRI of priest Luis Mijangos in the parish of Chenalhó who offers mass, officiates at 500 baptisms and several weddings, when in 1996 he was suspended by the Diocese of San Cristóbal for disobedience and for causing a schism within the Diocese.

July 1: Fifth Presidential Visit:  he stated in Simojovel: "…this will not be the last time I am with you (…) The government of the Republic has put forth the greatest effort so that the conflict in Chiapas can be solved through political means, and never through violence (…) One of the goals of this Law (Law of March 11, 1995, referring to the regulation of the EZLN-Government Dialogue) is to allow those who had dissented to be able to participate through political activity within the existing legal framework (…)  This goal continues to be valid."  Referring to the arrest warrants against the Zapatistas, he said "…the proceedings against those who, in their time, violently erupted and declared war against the Mexican State.  The Law establishes that this suspension will continue as long as negotiations for the signing of the Accord of Concordance and Peace…"  He says that the Zapatista "leaders" who were released "..are enjoying complete freedom and carrying out, without any obstacles, an intense proselytizing for the EZLN."  The federal government in good faith "accepted certain intermediaries, even knowing of their bias.  This good faith was betrayed (…)  We will not tolerate paramilitary groups of any kind (…) The Army is in Chiapas in order to avoid confrontations between communities (…) Those who use double-talk are those who say they are mediators and fail in that work by putting their bias and interests ahead of the group's…they actively and continuously promote the participation of foreigners in the conflict (…) The government will continue to reject, with the measures given to them by the law, interference by foreigners(…) the government does not want there to be victors nor vanquished, the government only wants the triumph of Mexico (…) and in order to achieve it we can no longer accept grandstanding, messianic leaders, nor apostles of hypocrisy."  (Speech in the municipality of Simojovel, Chiapas, July 1, 1998)

July 2: Attempt to break in to the Diocesan Historical Archive, and threats to its director and investigators, Dr. Andrés Aubry and his wife, Angélica Inda.  Afterwards, the threats and harassment continued, as well as another robbery in their home.

July 3: Speech by Secretary of Government:  the use of violence is not necessary to resolve the conflict.

July 7:  The Department of National Defense (SEDENA) denies the existence of paramilitary groups.

July 9: Visits by the Governor.  By this date he has already visited, in

support of official party (PRI) electoral campaigns, the municipalities of Venustiano Carranza, Yajalón, San Cristóbal, Comitán, Chiapas de Corzo, Las Margaritas, Palenque, Ocosingo, Tonalá, among others;  PAN responds by filing a complaint against the Governor.  More than 675,000 pesos are delivered to the police in Sabanilla.

July 10: Threats of death, anonymous, persecutions, sabotage of vehicles, surveillance, stealing of property and break-ins in homes and offices have occurred in the last few months against research institutions such as CIHMECH, CIESAS, Na Bolom, the NGOs CIAM, K'inal Antzetik, Enlace Civil, leaders of social and campesino organizations such as CIOAC and BACOSAN, with intimidation of investigator Manuel Hidalgo, the Diocesan Historical Archive and the investigators Andrés Aubry and Angélica Inda, among others.

July 11: Harassment of pastoral agents in the municipality of Tumbalá, denounced by Bishop Samuel Ruiz, and the CNDH asks the government for preventative measures.

July 14: Program for State Détente is announced by Governor Roberto Albores, who delivers economic support in the municipality of La Independencia to 131 persons who purportedly deserted the EZLN.

July 15: Assassination in an ambush of a PRI member in Los Plátanos, municipality of El Bosque, the EZLN is accused.

July 16:  The EZLN and subcomandante Marcos break the silence and release 4 communiqués with the Fifth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona. 

This "strategy of war," implemented from the Acteal massacre through the month of July, brought many reactions against it, in the state of Chiapas, from very varied sectors (campesino, indigenous and urban organizations; political parties, the Catholic Church, some businesses, NGOs), as well as at a national and international level.  The disaster of this policy had the following consequences, in the course of the first half of the year, among others:

1)more mobilizations and new proposals and actions for peace by Mexican civil society;  2) visits by the COCOPA to Chiapas; 3) Visits by international solidarity delegations and other high level ones by various countries and sectors; 4)  the arrival again of the International Red Cross; 5) the visit by the Secretary general of the UN; 6) the stance by the National Human Rights Commission, governmental organization, in defense of the flagrant human rights violations which are countered by the state government; 7) more solidarity caravans and humanitarian aid; 8) more cynical speeches by the government regarding the events described;  9) a new communiqué from subcomandante Marcos. We will analyze these reactions by society in another Bulletin shortly.

For their part, facing this political pressure, the Federal and State governments began to show signs of wanting to ameliorate their strategy at the beginning of July.  Seeing their policy's failure, various reactions occurred:

1) Governor Albores proposed another new 17-point alternative for peace and reconciliation;  2)  Albores offers the release of the Taniperla prisoners (municipal seat of the rebel "Ricardo Flores Magón"); 3) the repression against the Autonomous Municipalities stops;  4)   the evictions stop.

However, after just a few days of the appearance of these momentary signs, it is difficult to evaluate the tendencies, since they could be a response aimed solely at generating a political climate favorable for the visit by the Secretary General of the UN. 

 

Notes:   The sources belong to national and state circulation newspapers, and from direct denunciations from the social organizations affected.

 * To change peso figures to dollars: MX$8.85 = US$1

 Onésimo Hidalgo and Gustavo Castro Soto
Center for Economic and Political Investigations of Community Action, A.C.
CIEPAC is a member of the, Mexican Network of Action Against Free Trade (RMALC) www.rmalc.org.mx, Convergence of Movements of the Peoples of the Americas (COMPA ) www.sitiocompa.org, Network for Peace in Chiapas, Week for Biological and Cultural Diversity www.laneta.apc.org/biodiversidad, the International Forum "The People Before Globalization", Alternatives to the PPP http://usuarios.tripod.es/xelaju/xela.htm, and of the Mexican Alliance for Self-Determination (AMAP) that is the Mexican network against the Puebla Panama Plan. CIEPAC is a member of the Board of Directors of the Center for Economic Justice http://www.econjustice.net and the Ecumenical Program on Central America and the Caribbean (EPICA) http://www.epica.org. Center for Economic and Political Investigations of Community Action, A.C.


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Centro de Investigaciones Económicas y Políticas de Acción Comunitaria
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Translated by Irlandesa for CIEPAC, A. C.


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