REGARDING THE REPORT

Months, weeks and days before the Fourth Presidential Report on September 1, the country was torn apart in a sharp debate that was swaying public opinion.  Three budget cuts for the country this year; the scandalous fraud of the Bank Fund for the Protection of Savings (FOBAPROA), 65 billion dollars which enriched businesspersons, bankers, officials and former officials equally, and which was used in the official party's political campaigns;  the sharpest drop in oil prices in the country's history;  tax increases;  the dramatic lowering of the value of the peso to the dollar;  the military collusion in drug trafficking;  the United States' "Casablanca" operation on Mexican territory against the laundering of drug traffickers' money;  accusations of US interference in military support to Mexico;  free trade negotiations with other countries, including the European Union, among other, no less important, occurrences at a national and international level, already described in previous Bulletins.

In the middle of this turmoil, the government and the official party attempted, according to many sectors of public opinion, to distract attention away from the crisis in the country and in Chiapas;  health authorities introduced the issue of abortion, which became a discussion led by the main newspapers and news shows;  weeks later, the alarming news of the major kidnaper, Daniel Arizmendi, caused the Secretary of Government to open a national debate on the death penalty.

At the state level, a massacre at Acteal which moved the world;  autonomous municipalities dismantled;  more prisoners, more dislocated, more dead, more military, more police, more paramilitaries, more poverty, the breaking of the Zapatista silence, more attacks on human rights groups, foreigners of various nationalities expelled, the massacre at El Bosque and, finally, the disappearance of the CONAI, in the midst of various "peace" proposals by the government, even precipitating seven visits by President Zedillo to Chiapas.  The Acteal massacre, according to the government itself, was the event which allowed them to move to the forefront of the political scene and to create a new governmental offensive.  The 45 Acteal dead were the price necessary for the government to come up with a new "war strategy."

THE CONTENTS OF THE REPORT

In an hour and forty-five minutes, in the shortest report in history, the President informed the country on the fourth and most difficult year of his administration.  On the second anniversary of the suspension of the dialogue, and for the second consecutive time, President Zedillo ignored Chiapas, never mentioned the FOBAPROA by name, nor did he allude at all to the problem of the talks and the negotiation, which had been present in all of his speeches throughout the course of the year.  If the presidential speech was very brief, the text published by the President's office in the press was even more so, consisting of 8 chapters:

I)  "Democracy already exists in Mexico" (10% of the text), where he states that "democracy in Mexico already exists, authentically and actively, in the bodies of representation and decision-making, in the public squares, in the political and social organizations, in the communications media;  above all in the conscience and attitudes of the citizens."  However, as the President himself affirmed, "Our democracy has been built at the cost of many struggles";  what he did not say was that the cost has been assassinations and the peaceful struggles and denunciations by the social sectors which have been subjected to intimidation and harassment, in response to one party's refusal to move towards democracy.  Further along, he added:  "Only within the framework of the law and of democracy can and should the problems be resolved which have been so painful for all Mexicans, and which remind us that they are rooted in lack of development, injustice and the neglect of many years."

II)  "A sovereign Mexico and respected in the world" (4% of the text), whose message can be summed up in the following sentence:  "Mexico's sovereignty is not negotiable, nor will it ever be negotiable."  The allusion is only for those voices calling for international mediation for solving the conflict in Chiapas, but not those calling for the negotiation of national sovereignty in economic and trade terms, which the neo-liberal program and globalization have charged to the Mexican people.

III)  "The widest and most effective fight against impunity and insecurity" (10% of the message), which concluded with the following statement:  "the Federal Government called for a Crusade against Crime and Delinquency as part of the National Program of Public Security.  In 1998, the Federal Government will be investing twelve times more in public security than it did two years ago."

IV)  "Commitment to social justice" (35% of the text, the largest percentage), stated that social spending will represent 9.1% of the Gross National Product (GNP).  Regarding health, he indicated that approximately 93 million Mexicans are covered by public health services (almost 100% of all Mexicans!), the highest level of coverage in history;  in social security, he states that 90,000 families of non-salaried workers have access to medical services and hospitalization thanks to new coverage by the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS);  concerning education, he said that 9 out of every 10 children who will be entering primary school this year, have attended at least one year of pre-school, that the number of students who have entered secondary school has doubled compared to the number entering 5 years ago, and that 4.3 million school breakfasts will be served this year;  as to the Education, Health and Food Program ("a complete program for fighting poverty"), he stated that more than 1,500,000 families are attending, 56% of them from indigenous communities (which would mean that half of the 10,000,000 indigenous in the country would now have nothing to worry about);  as for basic services, he recounted the four years of his administration:  86.5% of the people in the country have potable water, 73% have sewage systems and 95% have electricity.  As to the countryside, President Zedillo asserted that 80% of the little more than 27,000 ejidos in the country have been regularized under the Certification of Ejidal Rights and Titling of Urban Lands Program - PROCEDE - (a program which allows campesinos to lease or sell their land to investors).  It should not be forgotten that security in land ownership, and public security which translates into more police corps, go hand in hand with security for foreign investors.  He also stated that the Credit for the Word Program supports more than 500,000 campesinos, that almost 3 million producers receive money from the PROCAMPO program, that the Food Social Assistance Program for Families will deliver 18 million items (packages of food products), and 5.1 million persons from poor families (95% children) will be supplied with milk and one and a half million kilos of tortillas are delivered daily to poor families, meaning that more than 40 million poor persons in the country will have to buy a kilo of tortilla with the two price increases that have occurred this year.

V)  "For a renewed federalism," to which he devoted a few lines (4%), can be summarized in the following sentence:  "the local governments directly control more resources than does the federation."

VI)  "Health of the financial system" (15% of the document) is devoted to defending the problem of the FOBAPROA, without mentioning the word, which is so controversial in the country.  In short, he devoted it to justifying the situation and to inciting fear in the population:  "Without the payment system which hinges on the banks, businesses would not be able to acquire raw materials, nor pay their workers and employees.  They would not be able to sell what they produce, nor would they be able to export or import, and the government could not function normally (…) millions of persons would lose their jobs, and there would be many other serious social consequences."

VII)  "Economic Growth," to which much space is also dedicated (15%), states that, in 1997, the GNP attained its highest level of economic growth in 16 years, at 7%;  that the annual inflation rate of 52% in 1995 reached 15.7% in 1997 (and the year 1998 was omitted);  that the economic growth was owing to fiscal and monetary discipline;  that the GNP grew 5.4% compared to the same period last year;  that, so far this year, the unemployment rate averaged 3.3% among the economically active population;  and that those insured under IMSS reached an historical high of 10.1 million persons, reflecting a 4.6% increase.

VIII)  “Quickening the pace with steady confidence" (7% of his report) proposed reaching the greatest economic growth in the next two years, and the next President will encounter the best conditions for this growth during his administration.  He called on the will, the confidence and for "working in a more brotherly way for Mexico." 

What the Mexican people did not know about were the "Attachments" to the Presidential Report.  Among other information, we find:

The seven states in this country with the greatest social and economic underdevelopment (Chiapas, Guerrero, Hidalgo, the state of Mexico, Oaxaca, Puebla and Veracruz), will receive 43.8% of the resources of the two main areas of the budget dedicated to combating poverty.  Of this group, Chiapas will receive the greatest part (8.5%), the equivalent of 1.176 billion pesos (also equivalent to 1 peso per day for each chiapaneco, and 0.10 USD).  It is also noted in the Attachments that, through the Contributing Fund for Social Structure, the country's states and municipalities will have more than 10 billion pesos for the provision of basic services to the population in 1998.  Chiapas will receive 685 million pesos in this arena.  As part of the Permanent Program for Strategic and Contingency Plans, the naval and military territorial divisions were modified, reinforcing security coverage and logistical support of the territorial commands, as well as for coordination with other federal government bodies.  According to the attachments to the Fourth Government Report, the Army and the Air Force will modify six military zones, and three infantry brigades will be created, two military garrisons and a general barracks for the Military Police, eight non-posted companies and 34 special forces groups.  For their part, the Mexican Navy established naval sub-sectors San Felipe in the northern state of Baja California and Los Cabos in Southern Baja California, as well as the fifth squadron of the mobile wing for exploration and transport in the port of Guaymas in the state of Sonora, and the second naval air squadron for reconnaissance, based in Tapachula, Chiapas.  In addition, the Department of National Defense (SEDENA) organized counterintelligence courses, the creation of "human rights professors," the administration of training and licensing in Computing and Information.  There were 14,528 military personnel who graduated from these, of which 13,287 were from the Department of National Defense and 1241 were from the Department of the Navy.  Under the National Military Service, 47,409 young persons participated as education developers.

THE REACTIONS

The Presidential Report was extremely troubling.  Its message was very brief, and its contents were full of contradictions at odds with the reality of the country.  On the other hand, the issues that were omitted were of even greater concern.  Let us look at some examples:

The jurist Emilio Krieger stated:  "This report of Zedillo's demonstrates that the country is divided into two irreconcilable camps:  the handful, a few thousand individuals who have taken control of all the country's wealth and goods, and the more than 90 million Mexicans buried in poverty, in unemployment and marginalization;  it demonstrates that a group of technocrats are willing to do anything before leaving power and are exploiting in accordance with their own personal and group interests."

According to the national leader of the Revolutionary Democratic Party (PRD), Manuel López Obrador, "it was only a negative review, because it was devoted to extolling social programs which, in reality, are programs to benefit the PRI in the elections (…) we are waiting for an in-depth critique and the recognition that their economic policies aren't working (…) it did not speak of the 552 billion pesos of the FOBAPROA."  The head of the Federal District government, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, stated that the President did not take a specific position on the FOBAPROA.  For the PRD leader in the Chamber of Deputies, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, there was simply no report, and "he is calling for the creation of a police state."

The President of the National Action Party (PAN), Felipe Calderón, regretted the serious omissions, such as Chiapas, the Acteal massacre and the violence in that state.  He said the economic analysis was incomplete, and priority was not given to State Reform.

The Labor Party's (PT) expectations had been "that last year's silence regarding the serious problems in Chiapas would not be repeated, in where we are gambling with the fate of the country."  Meanwhile, according to the Ecological Green Party of Mexico (PVEM), for four years the government has demonstrated its incapacity and the erratic nature of its decisions.  For the founder of the newly formed Center Democratic Party (PCD), Manuel Camacho Solís, former mayor of Mexico City, former PRI activist and former Commissioner for the Peace in Chiapas for the Federal Government in 1994, "what is happening today is that public institutions are being discredited, social conflicts are growing, dissent is growing, as is economic uncertainty which is affected by the international conditions."

The national leader of the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI), Mariano Palacios Alcocer, rejected opposition observations on the insufficiency of information regarding the FOBAPROA and the omission of Chiapas.  For the banking leader, Carlos Gómez y Gómez, the President vindicated the bank rescue, and he expressed his satisfaction with the information on the country's economy.  The president of the Business Coordination Council, Eduardo Bours, concurred, in that the report was realistic because it spoke of inadequacies, of the need to redouble efforts and of the problems confronting the country.  According to the Secretary of Government, Francisco Labastida Ochoa, the President did not speak of Chiapas because "it is not of the same importance and relevance as other national issues and problems."  For his part, Bishop Samuel Ruiz García feels the Chiapas conflict is still a relevant issue on Mexico's national agenda.

For PRI senator and member of the Commission for Concordance and Peace (COCOPA), Pablo Salazar Mendiguchía, "the contempt with which the President treats the Chiapas issue is the same contempt with which the country has treated it since 1824."  To Carlos Payán, PRD COCOPA member, "it was an autistic report, because, according to what the government said, there is no war in Chiapas, nor indigenous conflict, nor a problem with the FOBAPROA," and he added that "Zedillo talks about a country that doesn't exist."

The PRD took a position on the Fourth Report.  Among the points that stand out:  "While during the third trimester of 1998, the GNP grew 6.6%, it is estimated that the growth for the fourth quarter will be barely 2.8%.  And the annual rate of devaluation, according to the August average, will reach 20%.  By the end of the year, the deficit in current accounts will be double what it was in 1997.  The real interest rates, for August, rose to an average of 12%, that is, double the international rates (…) The fall in real minimum wages has been 20% since 1994.  And 52% of the Economically Active Population (PEA) is in the informal economy, and the shortfall in job creation increases year after year.  In addition to being insufficient, growth has been profoundly unequal.  While 20% of the wealthiest population receives almost 60% of the national income, the poorest 20% survives on only 3% of that income.  Sixty percent of the poorest survive without even the most minimal benefits of food, health, education, housing, recreation (…)"

THE REALITY

The reality is very different from what was reflected in President Ernesto Zedillo's report, as we have described in earlier Bulletins, where the situation was already worrisome prior to the recent devaluation of the peso, which reached more than 10 pesos to the dollar, and to the crises in Japan, Russia and other economies, which could lead to a world recession.

The role which the Chiapas conflict has had in the country is undeniable.  The reactions to the events which have occurred since the Acteal massacre have merited not only presidential visits, but also many caravans from all over the Republic, which have visited the state, as well as groups of parliamentarians, cooperation agencies, groups of international solidarity, etc., which have also made statements of their great concern for the situation.  The causes which gave rise to the conflict continue to be present, and are still deeper.  We will speak of these causes further along.  Over the following weeks there will be visits from foreigners again, as well as from dozens of ambassadors who will arrive in Chiapas from Sweden, Germany, France, England, Togo, etc.  However, if Chiapas does not exist for the President, why has he visited it more than 15 times during his administration?

As the elections in Chiapas, to choose the 111 municipal presidents and all the deputies in the Local [state] Congress, draw closer (see "Chiapas Al Día" Bulletin No. 114), the spectacular police and military operations have subsided.  However, we can predict a new recovery of the government strategy after the elections. After October 4, the government could accelerate the redistricting process, the approval of  a new law on indigenous rights and culture matters, new dismantlings of autonomous municipalities, etc.

"THE INSUPPORTABLE LIGHTNESS OF THE LAW:  IMPUNITY"

(excerpt, part XVII)*

Article 6: Legal procedures.

1.  The current article will be applied to the trials and penalties imposed for legal infractions committed during an armed conflict.

2.  No one shall be convicted, nor shall any sentence be carried out, in regards to a person declared guilty of an infraction, except by a court which offers the essential guarantees of independence and impartiality.  In particular:  a)  the proceeding shall establish that the accused is informed without delay of the details of the infraction of which he is accused, and shall guarantee the accused, in the actions prior to the trial and during its course, all the necessary rights and means of defense;  b)  no one shall be convicted for an action which does not fall under his own individual legal responsibility;  c)  no one shall be convicted for acts or omissions which, at the time they were committed, were not illegal under the law;  nor shall a more serious sentence be imposed than was applicable at the time the infraction was committed;  if, following the commission of the action, the law establishes a lighter punishment, the convicted person shall benefit from that;  d)  all persons accused of an infraction shall be presumed innocent as long as his guilt is not established in accordance with the law;  e)  all persons accused of a crime have the right to be present while being judged;  f)  no one may be forced to testify against themselves nor to confess their guilt.

3.  All persons convicted will be informed, at the time of their conviction, of their rights for legal and other kinds of appeal, as well as the deadlines for exercising those rights.

            In a study concerning torture, a report from the Human Rights Center Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, which was delivered to the special UN investigator, there is an account of six events which occurred in 1995 against campesino-indigenous persons, and whose treatment by the police and military included "arbitrary detention, the taking of the victim to a place where there were no witnesses, intense mistreatment, psychological torture, interrogation about the EZLN, confession as to who the Zapatistas were, information about their members, declarations of the whereabouts of their arms."

            Since the beginning of 1997, seven other cases were presented, against indigenous and campesino shopkeepers, who were treated in an arbitrary manner by judicial police and police dressed as civilians.  The case of the Jesuits Jerónimo Alberto Hernández López and Gonzalo Rosas Morales stand out, who were accused last March of having participated in an ambush against public security forces.  It also speaks of the detention of PRI and PRD activists in San Pedro Nixtalucum in the same month, and the torture of 27 persons by public security and Mexican army forces.   (Muñoz, A.,  La Jornada,  8/18/97,  p.5)

            Various independent organizations in Ocosingo accused the state government of being responsible for repressive acts which took place in Ocosingo, in which "unarmed people were cowardly" attacked. (…) the state government cannot guarantee the impartiality and effectiveness of the investigations, since they had direct responsibility for the commission of these crimes.   (Balboa, J.,  La Jornada,  1/13/98,  p. 6)

            "They were detained at four in the morning (in the Nueva Veracruz ejido, Marqués de Comillas) without arrest warrants, and they raided their homes," members of the Coalition of Autonomous Organizations of Ocosingo (COAO) noted, and they said the main commander of the state Judicial Police, Francisco Cruz, was present during the action.  They said they still do not know the whereabouts of the five campesinos.   (Balboa, J.,  La Jornada,  4/26/97,  p. 16)

            The new spiral of violence against the rebel communities is expanding like a stone thrown into the water.  They talk about Hugo and Ciro, detained by soldiers of the Mexican army in Vicente Guerrero, beaten severely and finally jailed a few days ago, for no reason whatsoever.   (Bellinghausen, H.,  La Jornada,  12/1/97,  p. 5)

            An hour before the incursion by 70 soldiers of the Mexican army into Morelia, four campesinos who were travelling towards the city of Altamirano, were stopped by the military and the police.  The officers interrogated them while pointing their guns at them. They made them kneel down, they covered their eyes and they put them on a vehicle where they covered the detainees with large sheets of canvas (…) The soldiers threatened to kill them if they didn't reveal the names of the Zapatista leaders in the community.  The four were photographed, and they tried to photograph one of them with a ski mask which the soldiers had brought, but the campesino refused.  Before freeing them five hours later, their captors took from them four machetes, 5000 pesos and a photograph of one of them.   (Bellinghausen, H.,  La Jornada,  1/5/98,  p. 6)

            One of the detainees related:  "from there they put us in the car, tied my eyes, very tightly.  They asked me if I was a Zapatista and they had wanted me to say no, but I am, and I said so.  They covered my face with some canvas and took us to the jail at Altamirano."   (Bellinghausen, H.,  La Jornada,  1/6/98,  p. 11)

            The PGR agents harshly interrogated the indigenous who had taken refuge in Acteal, threatening them with dogs, without the indigenous having any help from lawyers, the fear grew that the PRI groups would block the highways and leave isolated, and in evident danger, the thousands of displaced, EZLN support bases and those from Las Abejas group.   (Bellinghausen, H.,  La Jornada,  1/13/98,  p. 12)

The Mexican army detained nine chol indigenous in the municipality of Sabanilla (among them were two minors), and they set up new roadblocks in the northern zone of the state of Chiapas, rural authorities confirmed (…) the farm workers were "illegally" detained, after they had gone to the Department of Agriculture offices in Yajalón, to pick up fertilizer, pigs and coffee seed, promised by that agency.   (Balboa, J.,  La Jornada,  1/26/98,  p. 5)

"The Army has demonstrated, clearly and responsibly, their determination to combat impunity, no matter what its source.   (Ernesto Zedillo, President of the Republic,  2/19/98)

4.  A death sentence shall not be decreed against persons less than 18 years of age at the time of the infraction, nor shall pregnant women be executed, nor mothers of young children.

5.  At the cessation of hostilities, the authorities in power shall grant the widest possible amnesty to persons who have taken part in the armed conflict, or who find themselves deprived of liberty, interned or detained for reasons related to the armed conflict.

*Excerpt from the document "The Insupportable Lightness of the Law:  Impunity;  Three Months from Acteal," by "Alternative Popular Communication, Working Group," from 4/11/98

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