In social, world, regional and all kinds of forums, we speak of the search for alternatives to the neoliberal or nation-corporation model that is currently being imposed.  If it is true that there are successful local and regional experiences that seek a different form of political and economic relationships, we are still saying little about the actual definition of an “alternative project” and the elements that comprise it.

The critical situation of the way of life in countries like Bolivia, Ecuador, Argentina, Brazil, Haiti, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, Panama, El Salvador, Nicaragua, to mention a few examples, is proof of the social inconformity against the economic policies that are currently imposed on matters of health, education, energy policies, privatizations, debts, and militarization among other areas in which social unconformity is exploding.

Constructing socialism, deepening capitalism, seeking a third way, humanizing neoliberal globalization, taking power, constructing a democratic electorate, demanding a space in decision-making, influencing public policy, creating indigenous autonomies, generating “alternatives” (said ambiguously), returning to the welfare state, creating the Bolivarian Alternative of the Americas, among other watchwords that arise.  For some, a proposal is scruffy and out of context; and for others the same proposal is viable.  While for some it is difficult and impossible to stop neoliberal globalization, calling for wisdom that is truly fear to construct an alternative; there are those who say that neoliberalism does not exist and others who think another world is possible.  We see and listen to all.

At the end of the day everyone asks, what is the alternative?  When we speak of an “alternative project,” we are referring to a plan that marches forward, to the future, with an intentional direction, with a horizon that marks the path to follow.  If there is a direction and a horizon towards which we walk, it is because we reject other paths and horizons or propose others.  Therefore, this does not imply that 100% of the population is entirely in agreement.  And if we speak of some “alternative,” we are referring to something that is distinct to that which currently exists, of walking on another path, on another track.  Therefore we cannot consider the “alternative” to the projects that are only dressed-up versions of the same or two those with only cosmetic changes to what already exists.  Nor to can we consider those who proclaim the exact application of the welfare state as we have known it to date.

From the perspective and the faces of the presidential succession which will take place in 2006 in Mexico and whose presidential campaigns have already begun, we reject as alternative projects those that postulate the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and other minority parties as well as any of the business networks.  All of these are nothing more than variations of a project that is already headed towards an imposition of the nation-corporation model (on this topic, see Boletín Chiapas al Día No. 463 at www.ciepac.org).

The preceding does not mean that the supposed alternative projects of purportedly left political parties like the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) truly are.  Or that the alternative projects by civil society will come to be.  In such case, some proposals are posing the way to achieve it:  consultation, dialogue, and inclusive construction.  But we will analyze this on another occasion.  For now, it is worthwhile to stop and analyze what is the character of the alternative projects, now that there is not one alternative project of local or regional autonomy, for example, an alternative project of a nation.  Or is it the same to speak of a project of a nation-state?  These, which seem similar, imply distinct paradigms.

We are looking to see if many social mobilizations indeed do not specify an alternative project that is sought, we understand as background some assumptions to which they should conform.  In the case of Bolivia, the struggle to maintain hydrocarbons in the hands of the people through a popular government implies the defense of this resource as a part of national sovereignty.  There are other implicit assumptions like the taking or assaulting of power without modifying underlying structures.  The cases of mobilizations against the rising costs of transportation in Chile or against the privatization of education or health in the case of Panama bring with them in the background the supposition that the state should guarantee these rights in a manner that is free or at least accessible to the majority of the population.

Despite all the preceding, we believe that an alternative project should not be beyond the reach of the general population’s understanding if this is something that should be defined as a basic premise.  The meaning’s not being beyond the reach of the majority means guaranteeing human rights and the happy future of their lives.

ELEMENTS FOR AN ALTERNATIVE NATIONAL PROJECT

At the moment of creating or analyzing an alternative projects, we judge that they should have the following elements and characteristics:

That it defines the horizon of utopia.  This guides the intention and direction of the project.  This helps to verify the coherence of the project in terms of timelines for its fulfillment and avoids losing touch.

That it defines its position on the capitalist system and the current neoliberal model and the transition which we are experiencing into the nation-corporation model.  This implies offering a global analysis which frames the national project.  That it explains why this system and its current model are unviable.  That it offers critical analysis of the national-global situation, its problems and diagnosis, its causes and roots.  This analysis helps to define the alternative project ideologically and politically.

That it relies on ethical principles.  It is necessary that the project defines what is understood by justice, social equity and other basic principles and rules of the alternative project.  The coherence between principles and practice will give the necessary moral authority for its implementation.

That human rights form the backbone of the project.  This means that they are above market interests and not the reverse.  People, their cultures and societies should not be sacrificed for the interests of the logic of greater profits.  So, human, economic, social, political, and cultural rights should take precedent over any other logic.  Whatever mechanism is chosen should guarantee full access to education, health, housing, and dignified work for society as a whole, amongst other fundamental rights.

That it promotes and guarantees the maintenance of the public good and universally indispensable for human survival.  This means avoiding privatization under control of few hands strategic resources like water, genetic wealth and oxygen, whose access should not depend on the criteria of private hands.

That it is ecologically sustainable.  No project will be viable if it places in danger the conditions of humanity’s perpetuity.

That it has a gender perspective.  That from a perspective of human gender, it proposes distinct, different and alternative relationships and that eliminate the accumulation of any type of wealth based on the exploitation of one gender over another.  This involves, in the same way, the elimination of privilege amongst genders, sectors and diverse actors in society.

That the alternative proposal is framed in a world and global context.  The alternative project should consider the world correlation of current efforts that help to define the desirable, the possible and of those the most realistic.

That it offer reasons why it is possible to propose as feasible.  This should generate social consciousness about the process aspects of the project long-term and avoid falling in to immediatism.

That it represent the legitimate interests of the majority of the population.  The project should convincingly explain how its actions are going to respond to the needs of the majority.  Combined with democratic participation will make it into an inclusive pact.

That it enjoy the greatest consensus possible.  This will give legitimacy to the project in counter-position to an anti-democratic, elitist and authoritarian project even if it presumes to be an alternative.  This also implies guaranteeing the respect and the fulfillment of social pacts.

That it guarantee and say how it will achieve cultural diversity.  This involves the participation of diverse cultures which sustains a culture of peace.  There is no alternative project that is sustained by the logic of domination, segregation or cultural discrimination.

That it clearly define its objectives and short, medium, and long term goals.  This programmatic characteristic should govern step by step the actions that give coherency to the alternative project.

That it defines how it will reach those goals.  This should be programmatic and have criteria for the execution of these actions.  This is not just listing good intentions.

That it be coherent and systematic.  This means that the alternative project should contemplate, among other things, the totality of the structures of the State.  The project should include integral actions and in all areas of action.  The confluence of discourse and action should grant moral authority to the project and the actors who are carrying it out.

That the proposals, objectives and goals offer a preliminary analysis from which it strikes forth or builds a foundation for it.  All response, actions or alternatives should arise from an analysis of the current situation which gives them their raison d’être.

That it define with clarity the part and role of the state in political, economic and cultural life.  That it confirms how it will recreate the State and its relationship with society.

That the project sustains itself with a budget and a realistic and just source of funding.  This can come from the renegotiation of external debt, a moratorium and even its complete annulment to open the door to new practices and economic relationships with creditors.  There is no equitable growth, nor an alternative project, that can sustain itself under the yolk of an unjust, illegitimate and immoral debt.

That it define the mechanisms that guarantee the strengthening of democracy.  This implies a definition of democracy that goes beyond the representative and electoral, strengthening other mechanisms of citizen participation and the social character.  This involves the capacity to bring together distinct actors to construct, recreate, formulate and implement the new alternative project.

That it guarantee full respect to individual and social rights, and to the freedom of expression.

That it position itself clearly with regard to international relations.  This implies that it define with clarity the limits of its sovereignty and pose the mechanisms of defense of elements vital to national survival.  In the same manner, the recognition of the asymmetries not only with the stronger forces but also with respect to asymmetries with less developed countries.

That it define with clarity the role of the armed forces.  This also implies a clear definition of the role of the police and other forces of state coercion.

That it define the principles of multilateral relationships.  This implies a clear definition of national insertion in international instruments.

That it have regional alliances.  This fleshes out the search for common objectives and the defense of the rights of the majorities.  That the alternative should be regional is understood to mean that this is a grouping of countries that share problems, objectives and common characteristics.  The alternative is not isolation.

That it evoke, convoke and provoke hope.  The alternative project should have its foundation in the hope that another world is possible.

These are some elements.  Are they too little or not enough?

Note: If you wish to be placed on a list to receive this English version of the Bulletin, or the Spanish, or both, please direct a request to: ciepac@laneta.apc.org and indicate whether you wish to receive the bulletin in plain text or as a Word 7 for Windows 95 attachment.

Note: If you use this information, cite the source and our email address. We are grateful to the persons and institutions who have given us their comments on these Bulletins. CIEPAC, A.C. is a non-government and non-profit organization, and your support is necessary for us to be able to continue offering you this news and analysis service. If you would like to contribute, in any amount, we would infinitely appreciate your remittance to the bank account in the name of:

CIEPAC, A.C.
Bank: Banamex
Account number: 7049672 Sucursal 386
San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, México.
You will also need to use an ABA number:
BNMXMXMM

Thank you! CIEPAC

Telephone:
in México: 01 967 674 5168
from outside Mexico:: +52 967 674 5168